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By:

Quaid Najmi

4 January 2025 at 3:26:24 pm

‘Tiger’ shrinks to an ‘alley cat’

The Shiv Sena founded by the late Balasaheb Keshav Thackeray in 1966 may have little reason to celebrate its Diamond Jubilee tomorrow – in his birth centenary year. For the second time in four years today, the party – now, Shiv Sena (UBT) - has suffered a potential split, ironically led by Eknath Shinde who first broke away on June 21, 2022. Political soothsayers aver that this time the bodily harm is serious and the wound goes deep, so the party - which espoused the cause of the ordinary...

‘Tiger’ shrinks to an ‘alley cat’

The Shiv Sena founded by the late Balasaheb Keshav Thackeray in 1966 may have little reason to celebrate its Diamond Jubilee tomorrow – in his birth centenary year. For the second time in four years today, the party – now, Shiv Sena (UBT) - has suffered a potential split, ironically led by Eknath Shinde who first broke away on June 21, 2022. Political soothsayers aver that this time the bodily harm is serious and the wound goes deep, so the party - which espoused the cause of the ordinary Marathi manoos and the lofty Hindutva - may not survive another hit in future. In the past 60-years of its high-profile existence - in power for around17-and-half years and the rest in the limelight – the party has had its share of rebellions and splits, but it managed to bounce back due to the sheer awe of the Thackeray surname. It all started 35 years ago with the doughty Chhagan Bhujbal who dared to bare the Shiv Sena’s shortcomings and quit in Dec. 1991 – stunning the party that ran on the signals or just a wave of Balasaheb’s hand. His abrupt exit along with 18 MLAs after a tiff with his mentor. Though many MLAs returned as Balasaheb roared his disapproval, Bhujbal seemed to politically flourish and made it to the post of Deputy CM, and later as Minister for many years. After deserting Balasaheb, Bhujbal had joined the Congress, then led by Sharad Pawar who later broke off to form the Nationalist Congress Party (NCP) in 1999 where Bhujbal followed him. However, in July 2023, when the late Ajit Pawar split the party founded by his uncle, Bhujbal went with him, dumping his original Guru, Sharad Pawar, now left with the NCP (SP). Come 2005, there was another huge blow when ex-Chief Minister and the then Leader of Opposition in Assembly Narayan Rane was expelled by Balasaheb following (Rane’s) differences with Uddhav Thackeray, then the party’s Executive President. Rane hopped over to the Congress on the assurance of getting the CM’s gaddi, but it never came, so he quit the party to form his own outfit, which he merged with the Bharatiya Janata Party and became a union minister. In November 2005, Balasaheb’s nephew Raj Thackeray resigned from the party after multiple tiffs with his cousin, Uddhav, and four months later, founded the Maharashtra Navnirman Sena (MNS), which has yet to taste power. For nearly two decades, the warring cousins were practically at each other’s political throats, but in mid-2025, they finally hugged, kissed and made up for the larger cause of Marathi language, the Marathi Manoos, and other common points. When Uddhav broke ranks with the BJP to become the Maha Vikas Aghadi (MVA) Chief Minister, he got a rudest jolt of his life when Eknath Shinde masterminded a rebellion, took away 40 MLAs and toppled him from the ‘gaddi’. Shinde allied with the BJP to become the CM of the Maha Yuti government for almost two-and-half years. However, after the Nov. 2024 elections, the BJP made him the Deputy CM, and later Ajit Pawar joined as the second Deputy CM in July 2023. When the MVA of SS (UBT), Congress and NCP (SP) notched a spectacular performance in the 2024 Lok Sabha elections getting 31 of the 48 seats they contested, all eyes were on its MPs, but later the Maha Yuti romped home in the November 2024 Assembly elections. After long planning and strategizing, Shinde allegedly launched the Operation Tiger and is one the verge of weaning away 6 out of 9 SS (UBT) Lok Sabha MPs – a second vertical split the Uddhav-led party suffered in four years. Over the past three decades, there were other ‘ayarams’ and ‘gayarams’ including the aggressive Sanjay Nirupam, who quit the (undivided) Shiv Sena, joined the Congress and is currently with Shinde’s party.

Caste-based Census Sparks Nationwide Debate

Updated: Oct 22, 2024

Caste-based Census

Caste-based identities continue to dominate rural India, directly or indirectly shaping electoral outcomes. Many major elections are influenced by specific caste groups. After the Bihar government released the first phase of its caste-based socio-economic survey, the caste census became a hot topic. The results, backed by evidence, showed improvements in the living standards and social status of marginalised communities, both in cities and villages. With parties like the JDU and NCP backing a caste census, there is growing momentum for the government to conduct one. However, every story has two sides—joy and sorrow. Even Mahatma Gandhi, the Father of the Nation, raised concerns about the caste census.

Rahul Gandhi accused the BJP of being “anti-Bahujan.” The clear meaning is that his father and forefather refused to execute a caste-based census, which might have far-reaching effects and even permanently fracture India’s social fabric. This may be negative for caste-based beneficiaries. The last caste census in India was conducted in 1931 by the British government. Those times were different from the present scenario. The data was made public and became the basis for the Mandal Commission Reports and reservation policies for Other Backward Classes. Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) has clarified that the caste-based population count data will not be used for core politics. But the agenda for politics is always twisted and expanded.

The Central Government also joined the legal debate by filing an affidavit with the Supreme Court, leaving the matter unresolved. India’s partition, rooted in the divide-and-rule strategy, is frequently cited as a cautionary tale. Including caste in official census data could further deepen social divides. This issue has become a political pressure point, with various states pushing the Centre for action. Although the Constitution uses the term “class” instead of “caste,” the Supreme Court has consistently ruled that caste is a relevant, and at times, sole or dominant criterion for defining a backward class.

After the release of caste-based census data in Bihar, discussions around conducting similar censuses have gained momentum in states like Rajasthan, Chhattisgarh, and Jharkhand. Karnataka, which has already conducted its own caste census, may release its data soon as well.

Notably, all these states are governed by anti-BJP parties. Congress leader Rahul Gandhi also announced that Congress-ruled states have committed to carrying out caste censuses. Meanwhile, the BJP has remained silent on the matter, creating a significant roadblock.

Caste-based censuses focus on proportional representation in areas like jobs and education, with the argument that this will aid in targeted planning for the disadvantaged. However, the situation remains unclear, much like a foggy winter morning. The BJP’s stance on caste-based censuses and reservations seems different, as they fear the caste-based calculations could fragment their traditional Hindu voter base—an underlying concern for the party.

Professor Sanjay Kumar from The Centre for the Study of Developing Societies, says, “Let alone the BJP; no party can openly oppose it; it is not free from danger. BJP gets a large number of votes from the OBC community, their population across the country would be around 52%. Another downside is that the caste-based censuses could disrupt the balance of socio-economic zones. Data theft is a common issue in government systems, and people may feel disconnected from their actual rights.

The moot question is that if the financial status of an ST/SC/OBC or Dalit citizen moves up by a few notches, will his social status change automatically? The lifestyle of any class will only change when the income of a particular class is changed. The actual source of income is employment. The reality is that only metro cities have enough place and space for workers. Aside from the GIDC and IT sectors, less than 30% of industries have their own designated vacancy periods. After a decade, the Jamnagar and Rajkot Corporations have opened their doors to newcomers alongside experienced staff. However, age and caste bias often operate behind the scenes. It’s important to recognise that poverty is also widespread among many upper-caste individuals, and their needs cannot be overlooked. In the overall interests of the nation, terms like SC/ST/OBC, Dalits, etc. must be deleted from the nation’s vocabulary. Every citizen should have only one classification, that of being an ‘Indian’, in the spirit of the constitution.

Last year, when the Bihar government decided to conduct a caste survey in the state, the BJP was also Nitish Kumar’s partner in the state government, and it supported it. Political expert and former professor of Tata Institute of Social Science, Pushpendra Kumar, says, “It is not that the BJP does not talk about caste. It tries to reveal the caste of the Prime Minister as well. For caste politics, the BJP also tried hard to raise the issue of Pasmanda Muslims.”

(The writer is a management professional based in Ahmedabad. Views personal.)

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