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By:

Dr. V.L. Dharurkar

12 February 2025 at 8:23:17 pm

The New India-Africa Compact

India’s engagement with Africa is entering a phase in which historical solidarity must increasingly be matched by economic substance. Shared experiences of colonialism and national liberation have long shaped relations between India and African countries. Mahatma Gandhi, whose political journey in South Africa helped shape his philosophy of non-violent resistance, remains an important symbol of this common history. Yet the future of the relationship will depend less on its moral inheritance...

The New India-Africa Compact

India’s engagement with Africa is entering a phase in which historical solidarity must increasingly be matched by economic substance. Shared experiences of colonialism and national liberation have long shaped relations between India and African countries. Mahatma Gandhi, whose political journey in South Africa helped shape his philosophy of non-violent resistance, remains an important symbol of this common history. Yet the future of the relationship will depend less on its moral inheritance than on its ability to deliver tangible benefits to both sides. External Affairs Minister S. Jaishankar’s five-day visit to Ghana, Côte d’Ivoire and Ethiopia, from October 6 to 10, sought to advance precisely this transition. Its agenda encompassed trade, agriculture, defence, education, renewable energy, healthcare and digital infrastructure, while reinforcing India’s ambition to give the Global South a stronger voice in international affairs. The tour highlighted the breadth of India’s African engagement. New Delhi is seeking to build partnerships that extend beyond diplomatic declarations to encompass technology, investment, institutional cooperation and practical development. Beyond Historical Ties India’s relations with African countries rest on a substantial reservoir of goodwill. Its own freedom struggle, Gandhi’s legacy and the subsequent solidarity of developing countries have helped establish a political affinity that remains valuable. But historical connections alone cannot sustain a contemporary strategic partnership. African economies are pursuing industrialisation, infrastructure development, agricultural modernisation and greater technological capacity. India, meanwhile, is looking for markets, investment opportunities, reliable partners and wider support for reforming global institutions. These interests offer a basis for cooperation, provided that partnerships are designed around African priorities rather than merely India’s geopolitical ambitions. In Ghana, discussions focused on strengthening the comprehensive partnership established between the two countries in 2025. Jaishankar’s meetings with President John Mahama and other Ghanaian leaders provided an opportunity to explore areas in which bilateral cooperation could be expanded. Agriculture and academic collaboration featured prominently, with agreements intended to deepen research and institutional links. India’s agricultural research capabilities could prove useful to Ghana as it seeks to improve productivity, adapt cropping patterns to changing climatic conditions and strengthen food security. Such cooperation would be most effective if it moved beyond the exchange of expertise to encompass field-level research, technology transfer and training. Climate change is placing growing pressure on agricultural systems across the developing world. India and Ghana could benefit from sharing practical approaches to water management, resilient crops and sustainable farming. Ghana’s interest in closer engagement with the BRICS grouping also fits into the wider diplomatic context. For India, which has championed a greater role for developing countries in global governance, stronger African participation in emerging international platforms could broaden the coalition pressing for institutional reform. The significance of this engagement, however, will ultimately depend on concrete commitments and sustained cooperation. Trade and Investment Côte d’Ivoire, the second stop, offered a different but complementary set of opportunities. Jaishankar’s discussions with Foreign Minister Nialé Kaba centred on expanding bilateral trade, encouraging investment and exploring joint ventures. The ambition to increase trade towards $1.5 billion, as indicated in the account of the visit, points to the economic potential of the relationship. But trade targets are only a starting point. Particular promise lies in local production and processing. Instead of relying exclusively on the exchange of finished goods, Indian and Ivorian businesses could explore partnerships that create value within Côte d’Ivoire, generate employment and develop industrial capabilities. Ethiopia, the final destination, carries considerable diplomatic and strategic importance. Its position in the Horn of Africa and its role as host to the African Union make it a natural partner for India’s broader continental engagement. India’s experience in digital public infrastructure could be particularly relevant to Ethiopia’s development priorities. Cooperation in artificial intelligence, meanwhile, offers scope for training, research and the application of technology to public services. The proposed expansion of specialised training for Ethiopian officials, including in forensic science, media, governance and the development of women and children, could strengthen institutional capabilities. Defence and security cooperation also remain important, given the wider regional environment. Yet the Global South cannot become a meaningful force merely through declarations of shared identity. India must therefore demonstrate that its partnerships deliver measurable gains. India and Africa possess a formidable foundation of historical trust and contemporary common interests. The task now is to turn that foundation into a partnership of practical cooperation, mutual economic benefit and greater influence in a changing world. (The writer is a foreign affairs expert. Views personal.)

Caste-based Census Sparks Nationwide Debate

Oct 2, 2024
3 min read

Updated: Oct 22, 2024

Caste-based Census

Caste-based identities continue to dominate rural India, directly or indirectly shaping electoral outcomes. Many major elections are influenced by specific caste groups. After the Bihar government released the first phase of its caste-based socio-economic survey, the caste census became a hot topic. The results, backed by evidence, showed improvements in the living standards and social status of marginalised communities, both in cities and villages. With parties like the JDU and NCP backing a caste census, there is growing momentum for the government to conduct one. However, every story has two sides—joy and sorrow. Even Mahatma Gandhi, the Father of the Nation, raised concerns about the caste census.

Rahul Gandhi accused the BJP of being “anti-Bahujan.” The clear meaning is that his father and forefather refused to execute a caste-based census, which might have far-reaching effects and even permanently fracture India’s social fabric. This may be negative for caste-based beneficiaries. The last caste census in India was conducted in 1931 by the British government. Those times were different from the present scenario. The data was made public and became the basis for the Mandal Commission Reports and reservation policies for Other Backward Classes. Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) has clarified that the caste-based population count data will not be used for core politics. But the agenda for politics is always twisted and expanded.

The Central Government also joined the legal debate by filing an affidavit with the Supreme Court, leaving the matter unresolved. India’s partition, rooted in the divide-and-rule strategy, is frequently cited as a cautionary tale. Including caste in official census data could further deepen social divides. This issue has become a political pressure point, with various states pushing the Centre for action. Although the Constitution uses the term “class” instead of “caste,” the Supreme Court has consistently ruled that caste is a relevant, and at times, sole or dominant criterion for defining a backward class.

After the release of caste-based census data in Bihar, discussions around conducting similar censuses have gained momentum in states like Rajasthan, Chhattisgarh, and Jharkhand. Karnataka, which has already conducted its own caste census, may release its data soon as well.

Notably, all these states are governed by anti-BJP parties. Congress leader Rahul Gandhi also announced that Congress-ruled states have committed to carrying out caste censuses. Meanwhile, the BJP has remained silent on the matter, creating a significant roadblock.

Caste-based censuses focus on proportional representation in areas like jobs and education, with the argument that this will aid in targeted planning for the disadvantaged. However, the situation remains unclear, much like a foggy winter morning. The BJP’s stance on caste-based censuses and reservations seems different, as they fear the caste-based calculations could fragment their traditional Hindu voter base—an underlying concern for the party.

Professor Sanjay Kumar from The Centre for the Study of Developing Societies, says, “Let alone the BJP; no party can openly oppose it; it is not free from danger. BJP gets a large number of votes from the OBC community, their population across the country would be around 52%. Another downside is that the caste-based censuses could disrupt the balance of socio-economic zones. Data theft is a common issue in government systems, and people may feel disconnected from their actual rights.

The moot question is that if the financial status of an ST/SC/OBC or Dalit citizen moves up by a few notches, will his social status change automatically? The lifestyle of any class will only change when the income of a particular class is changed. The actual source of income is employment. The reality is that only metro cities have enough place and space for workers. Aside from the GIDC and IT sectors, less than 30% of industries have their own designated vacancy periods. After a decade, the Jamnagar and Rajkot Corporations have opened their doors to newcomers alongside experienced staff. However, age and caste bias often operate behind the scenes. It’s important to recognise that poverty is also widespread among many upper-caste individuals, and their needs cannot be overlooked. In the overall interests of the nation, terms like SC/ST/OBC, Dalits, etc. must be deleted from the nation’s vocabulary. Every citizen should have only one classification, that of being an ‘Indian’, in the spirit of the constitution.

Last year, when the Bihar government decided to conduct a caste survey in the state, the BJP was also Nitish Kumar’s partner in the state government, and it supported it. Political expert and former professor of Tata Institute of Social Science, Pushpendra Kumar, says, “It is not that the BJP does not talk about caste. It tries to reveal the caste of the Prime Minister as well. For caste politics, the BJP also tried hard to raise the issue of Pasmanda Muslims.”

(The writer is a management professional based in Ahmedabad. Views personal.)

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