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By:

Pulind Samant

29 November 2025 at 6:37:15 pm

ASEAN Out, Brazil In

India’s decision to pull out of the inaugural FIFA ASEAN Cup for a high-profile friendly with Brazil sends the wrong signal at a time when its Act East policy demands consistency and commitment. On the eve of India’s 80th Independence Day, Indian media carried the news of India’s withdrawal from the inaugural FIFA ASEAN Cup football tournament, as announced by the All India Football Federation (AIFF) a day before. Justification for the said decision explained that Indian participation in the...

ASEAN Out, Brazil In

India’s decision to pull out of the inaugural FIFA ASEAN Cup for a high-profile friendly with Brazil sends the wrong signal at a time when its Act East policy demands consistency and commitment. On the eve of India’s 80th Independence Day, Indian media carried the news of India’s withdrawal from the inaugural FIFA ASEAN Cup football tournament, as announced by the All India Football Federation (AIFF) a day before. Justification for the said decision explained that Indian participation in the said tournament would have clashed with the later proposed and approved friendly match with the high-profile and five-time world champions Brazil, scheduled in October. This development should take Indians by surprise, and preferably, a shock! Before commenting on that development, and try elaborating on that shock, let us have a look at the background information - This inaugural FIFA (Federation of International Football Associations) tournament was conceived as a new international competition for teams from the ASEAN region, the announcement of which was made by the FIFA President Gianni Infantino in October 2025. India was invited as one of the three non-ASEAN participants. India had accepted the invitation to participate, and was subsequently drawn in the Premier Division hosted by Indonesia. This division consisted of six ASEAN countries - Indonesia, Singapore. Malaysia, Thailand, Vietnam and Philippines - along with Pakistan. The other, Challenger Division, included the rest of ASEAN – Myanmar, Laos, Cambodia, Brunei and Timor-Leste, - along with the division’s host Hong Kong. The competition is taking place between the third week of September and the first week of October. AIFF seems to have thought it fit to withdraw, in favour of a friendly with Brazil on October 3 at Kolkata’s Salt Lake Stadium, treating that as a better option. The question, however, is whether that was really better or was even good in the first place. In order to make this later development appear meaty and attractive additional reports pour in to suggest that India is exploring friendlies against other teams that featured at the 2026 FIFA World Cup, among the sides, with Cape Verde and Iran being under discussion, though those fixtures have not yet been officially confirmed. Grave Error What is the root of this extravagant thought? Was it not appropriate for India to participate in FIFA ASEAN Cup after having failed to qualify for the 2027 AFC (Asian Football Confederation) Asian Cup, and after struggling to secure regular high-quality opposition in recent years than engaging in high-sounding casual friendlies? India seems to have committed grave errors of judgement in this matter. First of all, it is amply clear that the FIFA event was planned sufficiently in advance, and India had committed itself to participation in that, and was accordingly slotted in a particular group of participants. Then why this sudden withdrawal? Is it only for the glitz attached to the name of Brazil? Or is it because Pakistan too was invited to participate, and was clubbed in the same division? We don’t know that, but what we come to know subsequently is about India’s replacement by Bangladesh in that vacant slot by FIFA. That again cannot be seen as a good development from any angle. Secondly, are Indian policy-makers having a nap? How do they allow this twist in India’s Act East policy? This twist, though unintentional it may be, is highly undesirable when India should be making effort to get closer to ASEAN and its member states, aligning with the stated policy, and not switching on and off casually whenever it feels like. Thirdly, it is not only ASEAN but also particularly Indonesia, the host of the division India was placed in, and which figures prominently in many slots in India’s policy framework. During his last visit of July 2026 to Indonesia, PM Modi had reiterated many things of common interest between the two countries, emphasizing further tuning for strengthening collaborative Global South movement, and leading it from the neighbourhood. What about that? Some may argue that small things like sporting events don’t matter much. Some may stretch it further, pointing at Brazil as an emerging Global South power and try to balance things out. Such arguments are frivolous, to say the least. Relationships don’t grow on slogans and catch-phrases making waves in the air; they grow on a turf maintained through consistent & sincere efforts, and the perceptions they allow to form with their presence or absence. Nurturing Relationships India had, for many reasons, missed the bus in 1967 in getting inside ASEAN as a member state, despite having a strong civilizational connection with the region. It entered that orbit only a quarter century later, thanks to then Govt. of India’s ‘Look East’ pivot, and the urge of then ASEAN member states to move closer to balance out China’s aggressive presence. India made things more positive in 2014 by turning ‘Look’ into ‘Act’ East. But the show does not get over just by doing that, as some in India may like to believe. The relationship needs further nurturing, not treating it as a series of mere catchy episodes. Last but not the least - the state of India’s policy intervention was visible to all during the Asia Cup cricket tournament last year when Indian team players refused to shake hands with their Pakistani counterparts as a decided gesture of national resentment at the backdrop of the Pahalgam terror attack supposedly mobilised by terror network operating from the Pakistani soil and with Pakistani state’s blessings. Then why no such intervention to reverse AIFF’s decision replacing ASEAN with Brazil? Or was that a gimmick, preferring more popular cricket’s turf to seek popularity for certain state policies? (The writer is a Ph.D. researcher in international relations. Views personal.)

Caste-based Census Sparks Nationwide Debate

Updated: Oct 22, 2024

Caste-based Census

Caste-based identities continue to dominate rural India, directly or indirectly shaping electoral outcomes. Many major elections are influenced by specific caste groups. After the Bihar government released the first phase of its caste-based socio-economic survey, the caste census became a hot topic. The results, backed by evidence, showed improvements in the living standards and social status of marginalised communities, both in cities and villages. With parties like the JDU and NCP backing a caste census, there is growing momentum for the government to conduct one. However, every story has two sides—joy and sorrow. Even Mahatma Gandhi, the Father of the Nation, raised concerns about the caste census.

Rahul Gandhi accused the BJP of being “anti-Bahujan.” The clear meaning is that his father and forefather refused to execute a caste-based census, which might have far-reaching effects and even permanently fracture India’s social fabric. This may be negative for caste-based beneficiaries. The last caste census in India was conducted in 1931 by the British government. Those times were different from the present scenario. The data was made public and became the basis for the Mandal Commission Reports and reservation policies for Other Backward Classes. Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) has clarified that the caste-based population count data will not be used for core politics. But the agenda for politics is always twisted and expanded.

The Central Government also joined the legal debate by filing an affidavit with the Supreme Court, leaving the matter unresolved. India’s partition, rooted in the divide-and-rule strategy, is frequently cited as a cautionary tale. Including caste in official census data could further deepen social divides. This issue has become a political pressure point, with various states pushing the Centre for action. Although the Constitution uses the term “class” instead of “caste,” the Supreme Court has consistently ruled that caste is a relevant, and at times, sole or dominant criterion for defining a backward class.

After the release of caste-based census data in Bihar, discussions around conducting similar censuses have gained momentum in states like Rajasthan, Chhattisgarh, and Jharkhand. Karnataka, which has already conducted its own caste census, may release its data soon as well.

Notably, all these states are governed by anti-BJP parties. Congress leader Rahul Gandhi also announced that Congress-ruled states have committed to carrying out caste censuses. Meanwhile, the BJP has remained silent on the matter, creating a significant roadblock.

Caste-based censuses focus on proportional representation in areas like jobs and education, with the argument that this will aid in targeted planning for the disadvantaged. However, the situation remains unclear, much like a foggy winter morning. The BJP’s stance on caste-based censuses and reservations seems different, as they fear the caste-based calculations could fragment their traditional Hindu voter base—an underlying concern for the party.

Professor Sanjay Kumar from The Centre for the Study of Developing Societies, says, “Let alone the BJP; no party can openly oppose it; it is not free from danger. BJP gets a large number of votes from the OBC community, their population across the country would be around 52%. Another downside is that the caste-based censuses could disrupt the balance of socio-economic zones. Data theft is a common issue in government systems, and people may feel disconnected from their actual rights.

The moot question is that if the financial status of an ST/SC/OBC or Dalit citizen moves up by a few notches, will his social status change automatically? The lifestyle of any class will only change when the income of a particular class is changed. The actual source of income is employment. The reality is that only metro cities have enough place and space for workers. Aside from the GIDC and IT sectors, less than 30% of industries have their own designated vacancy periods. After a decade, the Jamnagar and Rajkot Corporations have opened their doors to newcomers alongside experienced staff. However, age and caste bias often operate behind the scenes. It’s important to recognise that poverty is also widespread among many upper-caste individuals, and their needs cannot be overlooked. In the overall interests of the nation, terms like SC/ST/OBC, Dalits, etc. must be deleted from the nation’s vocabulary. Every citizen should have only one classification, that of being an ‘Indian’, in the spirit of the constitution.

Last year, when the Bihar government decided to conduct a caste survey in the state, the BJP was also Nitish Kumar’s partner in the state government, and it supported it. Political expert and former professor of Tata Institute of Social Science, Pushpendra Kumar, says, “It is not that the BJP does not talk about caste. It tries to reveal the caste of the Prime Minister as well. For caste politics, the BJP also tried hard to raise the issue of Pasmanda Muslims.”

(The writer is a management professional based in Ahmedabad. Views personal.)

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