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By:

Kiran D. Tare

21 August 2024 at 11:23:13 am

Breaking the Peloton

Harshita Jakhar’s appearance at the Tour de France Femmes is signals India’s arrival in sporting arenas long dominated by Europe. India’s sporting successes have traditionally been concentrated in disciplines where geography or colonial legacy created favourable conditions. While cricket grew into a national religion, hockey delivered decades of global dominance. Wrestling, badminton, shooting and now, increasingly, chess have flourished through sustained investment and nurturing of talent. ...

Breaking the Peloton

Harshita Jakhar’s appearance at the Tour de France Femmes is signals India’s arrival in sporting arenas long dominated by Europe. India’s sporting successes have traditionally been concentrated in disciplines where geography or colonial legacy created favourable conditions. While cricket grew into a national religion, hockey delivered decades of global dominance. Wrestling, badminton, shooting and now, increasingly, chess have flourished through sustained investment and nurturing of talent. Yet some disciplines have remained stubbornly foreign. The Tour de France, for instance, with its punishing mountain stages, century-old European traditions and deeply entrenched professional circuits, belonged firmly to this category. This seemingly impregnable bastion has now been breached by 19-year-old Harshita Jakhar, whose recently became the first Indian woman to feature at the Tour de France Femmes, cycling alongside emerging riders from Afghanistan, Algeria, Chile, Ethiopia, Namibia and Uganda under the Union Cycliste Internationale’s World Cycling Talent Programme. While Harshita’s ride through the ceremonial opening of Stage Two of the 2026 Tour de France Femmes may have lasted barely 4.5 kilometres, it was a moment of great import and symbolism. The Tour de France is to cycling what Wimbledon is to tennis. It has been built over generations of mythology and European dominance. For Indian cyclists, merely entering that ecosystem has long seemed a distant aspiration. Harshita’s entry was a signal that despite the barriers still remaining formidable, they are no longer insurmountable. Her participation in this elite event mirrors a broader transformation in Indian sport. With a rise in incomes and an improvement in sporting infrastructure, upwardly mobile Indian families are willing to back unconventional careers. As a result, many young Indians are now venturing into disciplines once regarded as almost exclusively European preserves. Alpine skiing, equestrian events, sailing, rowing and endurance cycling are no longer exotic curiosities reserved for white men and women. The pattern extends well beyond cycling. In 2009, Reena Kaushal Dharmshaktu became the first Indian woman to ski from the Antarctic coast to the South Pole in 2009, while Kaamya Karthikeyan reached the Pole last year as the youngest Indian to do so. Their achievements have expanded the boundaries of what Indians could plausibly aspire to achieve. Harshita’s ride belongs to this tradition. Her own journey has been remarkably grounded. Raised in Rajasthan, she trained at the Sports Authority of India’s National Centre of Excellence in Patiala under the watchful eye of her father, Rakesh Jakhar, himself a former cyclist who competed at the 2010 Commonwealth Games in New Delhi. She snared three gold medals at the 2025 Khelo India Youth Games, which announced her as one of India’s brightest cycling prospects. Earlier, she had collected a silver and two bronze medals at the 2024 Asian Junior Cycling Championships, demonstrating that her promise extended well beyond domestic competition. Cycling presents challenges unlike most Olympic sports with a lot riding on the quality of sporting ecosystems. Unlike India, Europe possesses thousands of kilometres of dedicated cycling routes, professional clubs, sophisticated racing calendars and generations of accumulated expertise. Young riders grow up immersed in a culture where road racing is woven into everyday life. India is only beginning to construct comparable foundations. That makes programmes such as the UCI World Cycling Talent Programme especially valuable. For talents like Harshita, exposure to elite competition cannot be replicated in training camps alone. Riding alongside the world’s best, absorbing tactical nuances, learning race management and simply becoming comfortable within cycling’s highest circles all contribute towards the fulfilment of promise. India’s sporting story increasingly depends on precisely these forms of international integration. Two decades ago, an Indian woman participating in an event associated with the Tour de France would have seemed implausible. But Harshita’s presence has now shattered those barriers. By representing India at one of cycling’s grandest stages, Harshita has expanded the country’s sporting horizon. Young Indian cyclists watching her in Switzerland may now imagine themselves competing in races that previously existed only on television. Her appearance, however symbolic, is part of a tradition where young Indians have begun appearing in sports like Formula racing, rowing, fencing, squash and equestrian events - disciplines that once seemed distant from the country’s sporting DNA. For generations, the peloton belonged almost entirely to Europe. Now, it is making room for the rest of the world. Harshita Jakhar’s ride in Switzerland has shown that India now belongs to the conversation.

Caste-based Census Sparks Nationwide Debate

Updated: Oct 22, 2024

Caste-based Census

Caste-based identities continue to dominate rural India, directly or indirectly shaping electoral outcomes. Many major elections are influenced by specific caste groups. After the Bihar government released the first phase of its caste-based socio-economic survey, the caste census became a hot topic. The results, backed by evidence, showed improvements in the living standards and social status of marginalised communities, both in cities and villages. With parties like the JDU and NCP backing a caste census, there is growing momentum for the government to conduct one. However, every story has two sides—joy and sorrow. Even Mahatma Gandhi, the Father of the Nation, raised concerns about the caste census.

Rahul Gandhi accused the BJP of being “anti-Bahujan.” The clear meaning is that his father and forefather refused to execute a caste-based census, which might have far-reaching effects and even permanently fracture India’s social fabric. This may be negative for caste-based beneficiaries. The last caste census in India was conducted in 1931 by the British government. Those times were different from the present scenario. The data was made public and became the basis for the Mandal Commission Reports and reservation policies for Other Backward Classes. Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) has clarified that the caste-based population count data will not be used for core politics. But the agenda for politics is always twisted and expanded.

The Central Government also joined the legal debate by filing an affidavit with the Supreme Court, leaving the matter unresolved. India’s partition, rooted in the divide-and-rule strategy, is frequently cited as a cautionary tale. Including caste in official census data could further deepen social divides. This issue has become a political pressure point, with various states pushing the Centre for action. Although the Constitution uses the term “class” instead of “caste,” the Supreme Court has consistently ruled that caste is a relevant, and at times, sole or dominant criterion for defining a backward class.

After the release of caste-based census data in Bihar, discussions around conducting similar censuses have gained momentum in states like Rajasthan, Chhattisgarh, and Jharkhand. Karnataka, which has already conducted its own caste census, may release its data soon as well.

Notably, all these states are governed by anti-BJP parties. Congress leader Rahul Gandhi also announced that Congress-ruled states have committed to carrying out caste censuses. Meanwhile, the BJP has remained silent on the matter, creating a significant roadblock.

Caste-based censuses focus on proportional representation in areas like jobs and education, with the argument that this will aid in targeted planning for the disadvantaged. However, the situation remains unclear, much like a foggy winter morning. The BJP’s stance on caste-based censuses and reservations seems different, as they fear the caste-based calculations could fragment their traditional Hindu voter base—an underlying concern for the party.

Professor Sanjay Kumar from The Centre for the Study of Developing Societies, says, “Let alone the BJP; no party can openly oppose it; it is not free from danger. BJP gets a large number of votes from the OBC community, their population across the country would be around 52%. Another downside is that the caste-based censuses could disrupt the balance of socio-economic zones. Data theft is a common issue in government systems, and people may feel disconnected from their actual rights.

The moot question is that if the financial status of an ST/SC/OBC or Dalit citizen moves up by a few notches, will his social status change automatically? The lifestyle of any class will only change when the income of a particular class is changed. The actual source of income is employment. The reality is that only metro cities have enough place and space for workers. Aside from the GIDC and IT sectors, less than 30% of industries have their own designated vacancy periods. After a decade, the Jamnagar and Rajkot Corporations have opened their doors to newcomers alongside experienced staff. However, age and caste bias often operate behind the scenes. It’s important to recognise that poverty is also widespread among many upper-caste individuals, and their needs cannot be overlooked. In the overall interests of the nation, terms like SC/ST/OBC, Dalits, etc. must be deleted from the nation’s vocabulary. Every citizen should have only one classification, that of being an ‘Indian’, in the spirit of the constitution.

Last year, when the Bihar government decided to conduct a caste survey in the state, the BJP was also Nitish Kumar’s partner in the state government, and it supported it. Political expert and former professor of Tata Institute of Social Science, Pushpendra Kumar, says, “It is not that the BJP does not talk about caste. It tries to reveal the caste of the Prime Minister as well. For caste politics, the BJP also tried hard to raise the issue of Pasmanda Muslims.”

(The writer is a management professional based in Ahmedabad. Views personal.)

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