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By:

Rajendra Pandharpure

15 April 2025 at 7:55:54 pm

Pune’s Dissent Test for the BJP

From the fight over DJ noise to questions over a midnight arrest, two controversies have exposed an uncomfortable gap between the BJP’s rhetoric on citizens’ rights and the conduct of its local establishment The BJP in Pune is facing mounting criticism over two separate but politically resonant episodes — the assault on citizen activist Vidyanand Bapat, who had campaigned against loud DJ systems, and the arrest of YouTuber Santosh Pandit, a familiar civic commentator who has repeatedly...

Pune’s Dissent Test for the BJP

From the fight over DJ noise to questions over a midnight arrest, two controversies have exposed an uncomfortable gap between the BJP’s rhetoric on citizens’ rights and the conduct of its local establishment The BJP in Pune is facing mounting criticism over two separate but politically resonant episodes — the assault on citizen activist Vidyanand Bapat, who had campaigned against loud DJ systems, and the arrest of YouTuber Santosh Pandit, a familiar civic commentator who has repeatedly trained his sights on the city’s development works. What makes both cases particularly awkward for the party is that neither controversy fits neatly into a political binary. The DJ issue has divided the BJP itself, while the Pandit episode has raised questions about whether criticism of public works is being treated as an offence rather than as part of the democratic process. The divisions within the BJP over the use of DJs during festivals have been conspicuous. MP Medha Kulkarni has opposed their use, while city BJP president Dheeraj Ghate has argued against excessive restrictions on festivals. A BJP corporator, meanwhile, has taken an even harder line, saying that if restrictions were imposed, the procession itself would not be held. The conflicting positions have left the party without a coherent line on an issue that has become increasingly contentious in Pune. Social organisations have also criticised Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis for not taking a sufficiently clear position during his visit to the city. The police, for their part, have prohibited specific sound systems, including ‘Pressure Horns’ and ‘Plasma Sound’, while permitting configurations described as ‘four bass and four top’ speakers. In effect, therefore, there is no blanket prohibition on DJs. That distinction, however, has done little to settle the larger argument over noise pollution. Bapat’s Battle Bapat’s campaign struck a chord because it went beyond the question of DJs. He argued that noise-polluting loudspeakers should not be permitted in public spaces and called for regulation of the number of Dhol-Tasha troupes. He also suggested shifting festivals and immersion processions outside the city and ending the month-long Dhol-Tasha practice sessions held along the Mutha river before the festival season. For residents of areas such as Narayan Peth, the issue is hardly abstract. The prolonged practice sessions, followed by processions featuring DJs and amplified sound, have become a recurring source of noise-related grievances. Bapat’s campaign consequently acquired a momentum that its organisers may not initially have anticipated. Rallies and meetings were held, and a substantial section of citizens rallied behind his demand for a ban on DJs. It was against this backdrop that Bapat was slapped in broad daylight by an activist associated with a Ganpati mandal. The assault transformed what had been a debate over noise pollution into a much larger question about the space available for dissent in Pune. The incident reverberated across Maharashtra and for some, the episode evoked memories of the daylight killing of Narendra Dabholkar, another Pune-based campaigner who had challenged entrenched beliefs and practices. Fadnavis has assured Bapat of full protection. Yet the political response from the city’s Mayor and corporators representing central Pune remained conspicuously muted. Some groups chose to mock Bapat, dubbing him ‘Mr. Bean’. He nevertheless continued with his campaign. The episode has therefore left the BJP confronting an uncomfortable question: when a citizen challenges a popular festival practice on grounds of public health and noise pollution, does the political establishment defend his right to dissent even when it disagrees with his position? The Pandit Question The arrest of Santosh Pandit has created another, and potentially more politically troublesome, controversy. Pandit, who has built a following in Pune by highlighting civic problems, was booked following a complaint by a BJP corporator alleging that he had made derogatory and shameful remarks. Police detained him around midnight and formally registered the case at approximately 2.30 am. The police have maintained that the case was registered after completing the requisite legal procedures. But that explanation has failed to convince many citizens. The question being asked is simpler: was a midnight detention necessary in a case that did not involve a serious violent offence? The controversy quickly spilled onto the streets, with citizens holding meetings and rallies in Pandit’s support. The political context surrounding the case has also fuelled the criticism. An open gym in the Kothrud constituency, represented by Higher Education Minister Chandrakant Patil, had been put up at a stated cost of Rs. 9 lakh, according to its signboard. Pandit, citing information he had obtained, questioned whether the work should instead have cost around Rs. 4 lakh and asked where the additional Rs. 5 lakh had gone.
That was only one of several civic issues he had raised in recent months. Pandit had repeatedly highlighted alleged deficiencies in development works undertaken in wards represented by BJP leaders and corporators. He had also drawn attention to footage showing two BJP MLAs allegedly violating traffic rules. In both cases, the BJP’s local establishment finds itself under scrutiny over how it responds to citizens who challenge, criticise or embarrass those in positions of authority. The more fundamental question is whether citizens should be allowed to raise uncomfortable questions without intimidation, selective political outrage or disproportionate official action. The longer the political leadership remains divided or silent, the harder it becomes to argue that the controversies are merely local disputes rather than a test of the BJP’s political instincts in the city.

Caste-based Census Sparks Nationwide Debate

Updated: Oct 22, 2024

Caste-based Census

Caste-based identities continue to dominate rural India, directly or indirectly shaping electoral outcomes. Many major elections are influenced by specific caste groups. After the Bihar government released the first phase of its caste-based socio-economic survey, the caste census became a hot topic. The results, backed by evidence, showed improvements in the living standards and social status of marginalised communities, both in cities and villages. With parties like the JDU and NCP backing a caste census, there is growing momentum for the government to conduct one. However, every story has two sides—joy and sorrow. Even Mahatma Gandhi, the Father of the Nation, raised concerns about the caste census.

Rahul Gandhi accused the BJP of being “anti-Bahujan.” The clear meaning is that his father and forefather refused to execute a caste-based census, which might have far-reaching effects and even permanently fracture India’s social fabric. This may be negative for caste-based beneficiaries. The last caste census in India was conducted in 1931 by the British government. Those times were different from the present scenario. The data was made public and became the basis for the Mandal Commission Reports and reservation policies for Other Backward Classes. Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) has clarified that the caste-based population count data will not be used for core politics. But the agenda for politics is always twisted and expanded.

The Central Government also joined the legal debate by filing an affidavit with the Supreme Court, leaving the matter unresolved. India’s partition, rooted in the divide-and-rule strategy, is frequently cited as a cautionary tale. Including caste in official census data could further deepen social divides. This issue has become a political pressure point, with various states pushing the Centre for action. Although the Constitution uses the term “class” instead of “caste,” the Supreme Court has consistently ruled that caste is a relevant, and at times, sole or dominant criterion for defining a backward class.

After the release of caste-based census data in Bihar, discussions around conducting similar censuses have gained momentum in states like Rajasthan, Chhattisgarh, and Jharkhand. Karnataka, which has already conducted its own caste census, may release its data soon as well.

Notably, all these states are governed by anti-BJP parties. Congress leader Rahul Gandhi also announced that Congress-ruled states have committed to carrying out caste censuses. Meanwhile, the BJP has remained silent on the matter, creating a significant roadblock.

Caste-based censuses focus on proportional representation in areas like jobs and education, with the argument that this will aid in targeted planning for the disadvantaged. However, the situation remains unclear, much like a foggy winter morning. The BJP’s stance on caste-based censuses and reservations seems different, as they fear the caste-based calculations could fragment their traditional Hindu voter base—an underlying concern for the party.

Professor Sanjay Kumar from The Centre for the Study of Developing Societies, says, “Let alone the BJP; no party can openly oppose it; it is not free from danger. BJP gets a large number of votes from the OBC community, their population across the country would be around 52%. Another downside is that the caste-based censuses could disrupt the balance of socio-economic zones. Data theft is a common issue in government systems, and people may feel disconnected from their actual rights.

The moot question is that if the financial status of an ST/SC/OBC or Dalit citizen moves up by a few notches, will his social status change automatically? The lifestyle of any class will only change when the income of a particular class is changed. The actual source of income is employment. The reality is that only metro cities have enough place and space for workers. Aside from the GIDC and IT sectors, less than 30% of industries have their own designated vacancy periods. After a decade, the Jamnagar and Rajkot Corporations have opened their doors to newcomers alongside experienced staff. However, age and caste bias often operate behind the scenes. It’s important to recognise that poverty is also widespread among many upper-caste individuals, and their needs cannot be overlooked. In the overall interests of the nation, terms like SC/ST/OBC, Dalits, etc. must be deleted from the nation’s vocabulary. Every citizen should have only one classification, that of being an ‘Indian’, in the spirit of the constitution.

Last year, when the Bihar government decided to conduct a caste survey in the state, the BJP was also Nitish Kumar’s partner in the state government, and it supported it. Political expert and former professor of Tata Institute of Social Science, Pushpendra Kumar, says, “It is not that the BJP does not talk about caste. It tries to reveal the caste of the Prime Minister as well. For caste politics, the BJP also tried hard to raise the issue of Pasmanda Muslims.”

(The writer is a management professional based in Ahmedabad. Views personal.)

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