top of page

By:

Abhijit Joshi

31 August 2024 at 10:09:24 am

Power Games in the Rain

As legislators trade defections for reforms and accusations for applause, Maharashtra’s monsoon session finds the state’s citizens still awaiting relief. The Monsoon Session of the Maharashtra Legislature has evolved into a revealing contest over power and political survival instead of the constitutional ritual of debating laws and approving budgets it is meant to be. While the Devendra Fadnavis-led Mahayuti has sought to project itself as a reforming administration pushing through...

Power Games in the Rain

As legislators trade defections for reforms and accusations for applause, Maharashtra’s monsoon session finds the state’s citizens still awaiting relief. The Monsoon Session of the Maharashtra Legislature has evolved into a revealing contest over power and political survival instead of the constitutional ritual of debating laws and approving budgets it is meant to be. While the Devendra Fadnavis-led Mahayuti has sought to project itself as a reforming administration pushing through legislation and welfare measures, the opposition has tried to paint it as a government more adept at political management than public administration. Outside the legislature, meanwhile, Maharashtra has been wrestling with the familiar burdens of floods and a paradoxical water scarcity, power outages and rural distress, reminding politicians that nature remains stubbornly indifferent to partisan battles. Contentious Session The session’s first controversy arrived before substantive legislative business had even begun. During obituary references to eminent personalities who had died over the past year, Assembly Speaker Rahul Narwekar stumbled repeatedly while reading names and citations. Curiously, the opposition initially let the errors pass. Only after Raj Thackeray mocked the lapses in his characteristic style did the issue gather political momentum. Opposition parties swiftly turned their attention to the Speaker’s conduct, forcing Narwekar to apologise before the House and drawing an early curtain on what might otherwise have become a prolonged embarrassment. The more consequential drama, however, unfolded beyond the chamber. What came to be known as ‘Operation Tiger’ further weakened the Shiv Sena (UBT), drawing several leaders towards the ruling camp. Although Uddhav Thackeray toured constituencies represented by defectors in an attempt to contain the damage, the defections showed that organisational strength matters less when political gravity is pulling in the opposite direction. That impression was reinforced when Council MLA Sachin Ahir, seen alongside UBT leaders in the morning, filed his nomination for the post of Deputy Chairman of the Legislative Council later the same day as the candidate of the Eknath Shinde-led Shiv Sena. The speed of the switch surprised even seasoned observers. Many credited Shinde with executing yet another carefully calibrated political manoeuvre. Game of Thrones Predictably, whispers of a possible ‘Operation Tutari’ have begun circulating, suggesting that Maharashtra's game of defections is far from over. Inside the legislature, the government has tried to ensure that politics does not overshadow policymaking. It presented supplementary demands exceeding Rs. 97,700 crore for 2026-27, promising greater spending on infrastructure, welfare programmes and development projects. Whether this translates into effective delivery remains the more important question. Among the session's more consequential measures is the Women Farmers’ Empowerment Bill. In much of rural Maharashtra, women undertake much of the agricultural labour but remain invisible in official records because land titles are held in the names of male relatives. The legislation seeks to correct that anomaly by granting women cultivators formal recognition as farmers regardless of land ownership. Official certification would enable them to access government schemes, institutional credit, subsidies and market support. If implemented seriously rather than symbolically, the reform could reshape the economic status of rural women across the state. The Assembly has also strengthened the Maharashtra Protection of Interest of Depositors Act. By requiring those convicted of defrauding investors to deposit half the disputed amount before filing an appeal, the government hopes to speed up compensation for victims while discouraging frivolous litigation. It is an attempt to reassure ordinary savers at a time when financial fraud has become both more frequent and more sophisticated. The passage of the Freedom of Religion Bill has proved considerably more contentious. The government argues that the legislation is designed to curb illegal religious conversions and protect vulnerable citizens. The opposition counters that a law with significant constitutional implications deserved fuller scrutiny than it received. Opposition leaders, including Nana Patole, Jayant Patil and Sunil Prabhu, have repeatedly accused the treasury benches of rushing legislation through the House while curtailing debate. Their protests culminated in a walkout during discussions on municipal laws. Ministers responded that the opposition had squandered valuable time through repeated disruptions and could hardly complain about compressed proceedings afterwards. United on Agriculture If any issue has united the opposition, it is agriculture. Members have repeatedly attacked the eligibility conditions attached to the state's farm loan-waiver scheme, arguing that many indebted cultivators remain excluded by restrictive criteria. They have demanded a comprehensive waiver rather than selective relief. Water scarcity, despite the arrival of the monsoon, has also remained politically potent. Delayed rainfall left several districts facing drought-like conditions before the rains eventually arrived, prompting demands for a dedicated debate on water management and drought relief. Yet, it is events outside the Assembly that have most exposed the gap between legislation and lived reality. Heavy rains have once again paralysed Mumbai, flooding roads, disrupting suburban rail services and delaying flights. The annual submergence of the Andheri subway has become less an aberration than a seasonal ritual, raising persistent questions about the city’s infrastructure and preparedness despite years of promises. Rural Maharashtra faces a different but equally pressing crisis. Farmers in districts such as Bhandara have protested prolonged electricity outages caused by damaged transmission lines, leaving irrigation pumps idle at a critical stage of the cropping season. Many have threatened hunger strikes unless power is restored swiftly. As the session approaches its conclusion, both sides will claim vindication. The government will point to a substantial legislative record and argue that it has pursued meaningful reforms while maintaining political stability. The opposition will insist that legislative productivity cannot compensate for administrative shortcomings. The session has therefore become a microcosm of contemporary Maharashtra. It has featured ambitious legislation, relentless political manoeuvring, high-profile defections and increasingly bitter procedural disputes. The measure of its success will lie in whether decisions taken here improved the lives of citizens once the Assembly adjourns and the headlines move on. In Maharashtra, as in politics more generally, the hardest task begins after the applause has faded. (The writer is a political observer. Views personal.)

Caste-based Census Sparks Nationwide Debate

Updated: Oct 22, 2024

Caste-based Census

Caste-based identities continue to dominate rural India, directly or indirectly shaping electoral outcomes. Many major elections are influenced by specific caste groups. After the Bihar government released the first phase of its caste-based socio-economic survey, the caste census became a hot topic. The results, backed by evidence, showed improvements in the living standards and social status of marginalised communities, both in cities and villages. With parties like the JDU and NCP backing a caste census, there is growing momentum for the government to conduct one. However, every story has two sides—joy and sorrow. Even Mahatma Gandhi, the Father of the Nation, raised concerns about the caste census.

Rahul Gandhi accused the BJP of being “anti-Bahujan.” The clear meaning is that his father and forefather refused to execute a caste-based census, which might have far-reaching effects and even permanently fracture India’s social fabric. This may be negative for caste-based beneficiaries. The last caste census in India was conducted in 1931 by the British government. Those times were different from the present scenario. The data was made public and became the basis for the Mandal Commission Reports and reservation policies for Other Backward Classes. Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) has clarified that the caste-based population count data will not be used for core politics. But the agenda for politics is always twisted and expanded.

The Central Government also joined the legal debate by filing an affidavit with the Supreme Court, leaving the matter unresolved. India’s partition, rooted in the divide-and-rule strategy, is frequently cited as a cautionary tale. Including caste in official census data could further deepen social divides. This issue has become a political pressure point, with various states pushing the Centre for action. Although the Constitution uses the term “class” instead of “caste,” the Supreme Court has consistently ruled that caste is a relevant, and at times, sole or dominant criterion for defining a backward class.

After the release of caste-based census data in Bihar, discussions around conducting similar censuses have gained momentum in states like Rajasthan, Chhattisgarh, and Jharkhand. Karnataka, which has already conducted its own caste census, may release its data soon as well.

Notably, all these states are governed by anti-BJP parties. Congress leader Rahul Gandhi also announced that Congress-ruled states have committed to carrying out caste censuses. Meanwhile, the BJP has remained silent on the matter, creating a significant roadblock.

Caste-based censuses focus on proportional representation in areas like jobs and education, with the argument that this will aid in targeted planning for the disadvantaged. However, the situation remains unclear, much like a foggy winter morning. The BJP’s stance on caste-based censuses and reservations seems different, as they fear the caste-based calculations could fragment their traditional Hindu voter base—an underlying concern for the party.

Professor Sanjay Kumar from The Centre for the Study of Developing Societies, says, “Let alone the BJP; no party can openly oppose it; it is not free from danger. BJP gets a large number of votes from the OBC community, their population across the country would be around 52%. Another downside is that the caste-based censuses could disrupt the balance of socio-economic zones. Data theft is a common issue in government systems, and people may feel disconnected from their actual rights.

The moot question is that if the financial status of an ST/SC/OBC or Dalit citizen moves up by a few notches, will his social status change automatically? The lifestyle of any class will only change when the income of a particular class is changed. The actual source of income is employment. The reality is that only metro cities have enough place and space for workers. Aside from the GIDC and IT sectors, less than 30% of industries have their own designated vacancy periods. After a decade, the Jamnagar and Rajkot Corporations have opened their doors to newcomers alongside experienced staff. However, age and caste bias often operate behind the scenes. It’s important to recognise that poverty is also widespread among many upper-caste individuals, and their needs cannot be overlooked. In the overall interests of the nation, terms like SC/ST/OBC, Dalits, etc. must be deleted from the nation’s vocabulary. Every citizen should have only one classification, that of being an ‘Indian’, in the spirit of the constitution.

Last year, when the Bihar government decided to conduct a caste survey in the state, the BJP was also Nitish Kumar’s partner in the state government, and it supported it. Political expert and former professor of Tata Institute of Social Science, Pushpendra Kumar, says, “It is not that the BJP does not talk about caste. It tries to reveal the caste of the Prime Minister as well. For caste politics, the BJP also tried hard to raise the issue of Pasmanda Muslims.”

(The writer is a management professional based in Ahmedabad. Views personal.)

Comments

bottom of page