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By:

Waleed Hussain

4 March 2025 at 2:34:30 pm

Will Sarfaraz Make the Most of This Second Chance?

Sarfaraz Khan has been recalled to India’s Test squad for the Sri Lanka series, replacing the injured Sai Sudharsan. In the grand tradition of Indian cricket, opportunity has arrived not through sustained brilliance or careful planning, but because someone’s toe decided it had better things to do. One man’s stress reaction is another man’s second chance. How very democratic. For those who have followed Sarfaraz’s career with the weary patience of a Mumbai local train passenger, this feels...

Will Sarfaraz Make the Most of This Second Chance?

Sarfaraz Khan has been recalled to India’s Test squad for the Sri Lanka series, replacing the injured Sai Sudharsan. In the grand tradition of Indian cricket, opportunity has arrived not through sustained brilliance or careful planning, but because someone’s toe decided it had better things to do. One man’s stress reaction is another man’s second chance. How very democratic. For those who have followed Sarfaraz’s career with the weary patience of a Mumbai local train passenger, this feels familiar. He is the domestic run machine who averages something ridiculous in first-class cricket—north of 64, the kind of number that should guarantee selection until the end of time, or at least until the next shiny prospect emerges from the under-19 conveyor belt. He scored a century and three fifties in his first six Tests. He looked the part. Then, as is customary, the part was reassigned. Two years of exile followed. Not the dramatic kind involving public statements and bitter Instagram stories, but the quieter variety: keep scoring, keep waiting, keep watching others get the nod. He lost 17 kilograms. He reinvented himself in white-ball cricket. He even found a temporary home at Chennai Super Kings, that noted rehabilitation clinic for careers that had been left out in the rain. The runs kept coming. The phone stayed silent. Until a toe injury intervened, as toes occasionally do when the universe feels sentimental. Now he is back, leaner, hungrier, and almost certainly aware that second chances in Indian cricket are like limited-edition sneakers: highly prized, quickly gone, and often worn by someone else the following week. The question is not whether he deserves this opportunity. Domestic averages and first-class pedigree have already settled that debate in his favour several times over. The question is whether he can convert it before the selectors remember there are other talented middle-order batters who also look good in training kit. Sri Lanka, at least, offers a stage that suits him. Turning tracks, spin, the sort of conditions where a player who treats slow bowling with the casual contempt of a man who has faced far worse on the maidans of Mumbai can flourish. Sarfaraz has always looked more comfortable when the ball is not flying past his nose at 140 clicks. Galle and Colombo should feel like home, or at least like a well-lit practice pitch with slightly better catering. Yet one senses the usual caveats hovering. He may not even play. Devdutt Padikkal is also in the squad and has been hovering with the quiet menace of a man who knows the middle order is a musical chairs game played with fewer chairs than people. Even if Sarfaraz does get a game, two Tests is a short window. One soft dismissal and the narrative writes itself: “promising but ultimately unable to seize the moment.” Indian cricket loves a redemption arc almost as much as it loves abandoning one halfway through. There is dry humour in the fitness transformation. Losing 17 kilograms is impressive. It also feels like the modern tax on talent. Once upon a time, a player could score heavily and look like a man who enjoyed his mother’s cooking. Now the same player must look like he has been living on grilled chicken and regret. Sarfaraz has paid the tax. Whether the selectors notice the improved agility more than they notice the next injury elsewhere remains to be seen. Indian cricket is a system that simultaneously worships domestic performance and treats it as optional reading. It celebrates the long wait, the grind, the character-building years of Ranji Trophy anonymity, then acts surprised when the player who endured all of that still needs an injury to someone else to get another look. Sarfaraz has done everything asked of him short of inventing a new batting stroke or solving climate change. He has scored the runs, shed the weight, waited his turn, and posted the appropriately motivational Instagram quote about fighting even when he does not fit in. The system has responded by giving him a replacement role on a two-match tour. Progress, of a sort. Will he make the most of it? The honest answer is that we do not know, and neither does he. Form is temporary, selection is fickle, and the middle order is crowded with people who also believe this is their moment. What can be said with confidence is that if he fails, it will be treated as confirmation of earlier doubts. If he succeeds, it will be treated as proof that the system works after all. The middle path—solid, unspectacular contributions that keep him in the conversation—is the least glamorous and therefore the most likely to be undervalued. Sarfaraz Khan is 28. He has already lived several careers: child prodigy, domestic colossus, brief international hopeful, forgotten man, fitness project, IPL revivalist, and now, once more, national squad member. The second chance has arrived courtesy of someone else’s misfortune. In Indian cricket, that is often as good as it gets. Whether he turns it into something lasting depends less on talent—he has that—than on the rarest of commodities in this ecosystem: sustained opportunity. The runs are there. The hunger is there. The leaner frame is there. The only missing ingredient is the one thing no player can manufacture alone: the willingness of the system to keep the door open long enough for him to walk through it and stay. History suggests caution. Hope, being the stubborn creature that it is, suggests otherwise. For Sarfaraz’s sake, and for the sake of every domestic accumulator still waiting for the phone to ring, one hopes the latter is correct this time. (The writer is a senior journalist based in Mumbai.)

Caste-based Census Sparks Nationwide Debate

Updated: Oct 22, 2024

Caste-based Census

Caste-based identities continue to dominate rural India, directly or indirectly shaping electoral outcomes. Many major elections are influenced by specific caste groups. After the Bihar government released the first phase of its caste-based socio-economic survey, the caste census became a hot topic. The results, backed by evidence, showed improvements in the living standards and social status of marginalised communities, both in cities and villages. With parties like the JDU and NCP backing a caste census, there is growing momentum for the government to conduct one. However, every story has two sides—joy and sorrow. Even Mahatma Gandhi, the Father of the Nation, raised concerns about the caste census.

Rahul Gandhi accused the BJP of being “anti-Bahujan.” The clear meaning is that his father and forefather refused to execute a caste-based census, which might have far-reaching effects and even permanently fracture India’s social fabric. This may be negative for caste-based beneficiaries. The last caste census in India was conducted in 1931 by the British government. Those times were different from the present scenario. The data was made public and became the basis for the Mandal Commission Reports and reservation policies for Other Backward Classes. Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) has clarified that the caste-based population count data will not be used for core politics. But the agenda for politics is always twisted and expanded.

The Central Government also joined the legal debate by filing an affidavit with the Supreme Court, leaving the matter unresolved. India’s partition, rooted in the divide-and-rule strategy, is frequently cited as a cautionary tale. Including caste in official census data could further deepen social divides. This issue has become a political pressure point, with various states pushing the Centre for action. Although the Constitution uses the term “class” instead of “caste,” the Supreme Court has consistently ruled that caste is a relevant, and at times, sole or dominant criterion for defining a backward class.

After the release of caste-based census data in Bihar, discussions around conducting similar censuses have gained momentum in states like Rajasthan, Chhattisgarh, and Jharkhand. Karnataka, which has already conducted its own caste census, may release its data soon as well.

Notably, all these states are governed by anti-BJP parties. Congress leader Rahul Gandhi also announced that Congress-ruled states have committed to carrying out caste censuses. Meanwhile, the BJP has remained silent on the matter, creating a significant roadblock.

Caste-based censuses focus on proportional representation in areas like jobs and education, with the argument that this will aid in targeted planning for the disadvantaged. However, the situation remains unclear, much like a foggy winter morning. The BJP’s stance on caste-based censuses and reservations seems different, as they fear the caste-based calculations could fragment their traditional Hindu voter base—an underlying concern for the party.

Professor Sanjay Kumar from The Centre for the Study of Developing Societies, says, “Let alone the BJP; no party can openly oppose it; it is not free from danger. BJP gets a large number of votes from the OBC community, their population across the country would be around 52%. Another downside is that the caste-based censuses could disrupt the balance of socio-economic zones. Data theft is a common issue in government systems, and people may feel disconnected from their actual rights.

The moot question is that if the financial status of an ST/SC/OBC or Dalit citizen moves up by a few notches, will his social status change automatically? The lifestyle of any class will only change when the income of a particular class is changed. The actual source of income is employment. The reality is that only metro cities have enough place and space for workers. Aside from the GIDC and IT sectors, less than 30% of industries have their own designated vacancy periods. After a decade, the Jamnagar and Rajkot Corporations have opened their doors to newcomers alongside experienced staff. However, age and caste bias often operate behind the scenes. It’s important to recognise that poverty is also widespread among many upper-caste individuals, and their needs cannot be overlooked. In the overall interests of the nation, terms like SC/ST/OBC, Dalits, etc. must be deleted from the nation’s vocabulary. Every citizen should have only one classification, that of being an ‘Indian’, in the spirit of the constitution.

Last year, when the Bihar government decided to conduct a caste survey in the state, the BJP was also Nitish Kumar’s partner in the state government, and it supported it. Political expert and former professor of Tata Institute of Social Science, Pushpendra Kumar, says, “It is not that the BJP does not talk about caste. It tries to reveal the caste of the Prime Minister as well. For caste politics, the BJP also tried hard to raise the issue of Pasmanda Muslims.”

(The writer is a management professional based in Ahmedabad. Views personal.)

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