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By:

Ramesh Patil

30 January 2025 at 2:35:31 pm

Rain Check for Marathwada

The uneven march of the southwest monsoon is once again exposing the fragility of rain-fed agriculture. The southwest monsoon has never been an equal-opportunity visitor. This year it has arrived with a familiar paradox. While Konkan, Mumbai and large parts of western Maharashtra have been inundated by torrential rain, Marathwada remains trapped in a frustrating cycle of scattered showers followed by long dry spells. For a region where agriculture depends overwhelmingly on the vagaries of the...

Rain Check for Marathwada

The uneven march of the southwest monsoon is once again exposing the fragility of rain-fed agriculture. The southwest monsoon has never been an equal-opportunity visitor. This year it has arrived with a familiar paradox. While Konkan, Mumbai and large parts of western Maharashtra have been inundated by torrential rain, Marathwada remains trapped in a frustrating cycle of scattered showers followed by long dry spells. For a region where agriculture depends overwhelmingly on the vagaries of the skies, this is not merely a meteorological curiosity. It is an economic emergency in slow motion. Forced Delay The immediate casualty is the Kharif sowing season. Across much of Marathwada, farmers have been forced to delay sowing because the soil simply does not contain enough moisture. Others who took the gamble after the first pre-monsoon showers now find themselves worrying whether their newly sown fields will survive the intervening dry spell. What should have been a period of activity and cautious optimism has instead become one of anxious waiting. The crops most affected are also those that define the region’s agricultural economy. Soybean, cotton and tur remain the principal Kharif crops, supplemented by pulses such as moong and urad. Each requires timely sowing and dependable early-season rainfall to establish healthy growth. A delayed start compresses the growing season, while interrupted rainfall threatens germination itself. Should seedlings fail, farmers face the unenviable prospect of re-sowing, doubling expenditure on seeds, labour and field preparation. Agricultural science offers little room for improvisation. Experts consistently advise that sowing should begin only after the soil has accumulated adequate moisture. Premature planting in anticipation of rain is often more damaging than waiting a few extra days. A dry spell immediately after sowing can wipe out germinating seeds, forcing farmers back to square one. In regions where input costs have steadily risen and farm incomes remain uncertain, such setbacks can be financially devastating. Optimal Sowing Yet the dilemma confronting farmers is understandable. Waiting too long also carries risks. Every passing day narrows the optimal sowing window, potentially reducing yields even if the rains eventually arrive. The decision is therefore no longer simply agricultural; it has become a calculated wager against an increasingly unpredictable climate. The India Meteorological Department has offered a measure of hope by forecasting increased rainfall across Marathwada in the coming days. If those predictions materialise and the rains remain sustained rather than episodic, sowing operations could gather pace rapidly. Farmers possess remarkable resilience and can often recover lost time when weather conditions cooperate. But optimism must remain tempered. One or two heavy showers cannot compensate for prolonged moisture deficits. Agriculture depends less on spectacular downpours than on steady, well-distributed rainfall. This uneven distribution of the monsoon is becoming a recurring feature rather than an isolated anomaly. Climate variability is making rainfall increasingly erratic, producing episodes of both flood and drought within the same state. Maharashtra now illustrates this contradiction vividly. While cities on the western coast grapple with waterlogging and overflowing rivers, farmers barely a few hundred kilometres away stare at cracked fields and empty skies. The challenge is no longer merely the quantity of rainfall but its timing and distribution. Such volatility demands a broader rethink of agricultural policy. Weather forecasting has improved considerably, yet translating forecasts into timely farm-level decisions remains uneven. Extension services must ensure that advisories reach farmers quickly and in forms they can readily use. Crop insurance schemes must respond faster when failed germination forces re-sowing. Investment in farm ponds, watershed management and micro-irrigation can reduce dependence on the monsoon's increasingly uncertain rhythm. None of these measures can replace rain, but they can soften its absence. Marathwada’s predicament serves as a reminder of how deeply India’s rural economy remains tied to the monsoon. Despite advances in technology and decades of agricultural policy, millions of farmers still begin each season with the same ritual: watching the horizon for rain clouds. When those clouds hesitate, the consequences ripple far beyond the farm gate, affecting rural incomes, commodity prices and, eventually, the wider economy. For now, Marathwada waits. The forecasts promise relief, but forecasts do not irrigate fields. Only sustained rainfall can rescue the Kharif season from drifting further off course. Until then, every cloud carries hope, every dry day compounds anxiety, and every missed shower reminds India that its agricultural fortunes remain inseparable from the caprices of the monsoon. (The writer is a farmer and resident of Latur district. Views personal.)

Caste-based Census Sparks Nationwide Debate

Updated: Oct 22, 2024

Caste-based Census

Caste-based identities continue to dominate rural India, directly or indirectly shaping electoral outcomes. Many major elections are influenced by specific caste groups. After the Bihar government released the first phase of its caste-based socio-economic survey, the caste census became a hot topic. The results, backed by evidence, showed improvements in the living standards and social status of marginalised communities, both in cities and villages. With parties like the JDU and NCP backing a caste census, there is growing momentum for the government to conduct one. However, every story has two sides—joy and sorrow. Even Mahatma Gandhi, the Father of the Nation, raised concerns about the caste census.

Rahul Gandhi accused the BJP of being “anti-Bahujan.” The clear meaning is that his father and forefather refused to execute a caste-based census, which might have far-reaching effects and even permanently fracture India’s social fabric. This may be negative for caste-based beneficiaries. The last caste census in India was conducted in 1931 by the British government. Those times were different from the present scenario. The data was made public and became the basis for the Mandal Commission Reports and reservation policies for Other Backward Classes. Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) has clarified that the caste-based population count data will not be used for core politics. But the agenda for politics is always twisted and expanded.

The Central Government also joined the legal debate by filing an affidavit with the Supreme Court, leaving the matter unresolved. India’s partition, rooted in the divide-and-rule strategy, is frequently cited as a cautionary tale. Including caste in official census data could further deepen social divides. This issue has become a political pressure point, with various states pushing the Centre for action. Although the Constitution uses the term “class” instead of “caste,” the Supreme Court has consistently ruled that caste is a relevant, and at times, sole or dominant criterion for defining a backward class.

After the release of caste-based census data in Bihar, discussions around conducting similar censuses have gained momentum in states like Rajasthan, Chhattisgarh, and Jharkhand. Karnataka, which has already conducted its own caste census, may release its data soon as well.

Notably, all these states are governed by anti-BJP parties. Congress leader Rahul Gandhi also announced that Congress-ruled states have committed to carrying out caste censuses. Meanwhile, the BJP has remained silent on the matter, creating a significant roadblock.

Caste-based censuses focus on proportional representation in areas like jobs and education, with the argument that this will aid in targeted planning for the disadvantaged. However, the situation remains unclear, much like a foggy winter morning. The BJP’s stance on caste-based censuses and reservations seems different, as they fear the caste-based calculations could fragment their traditional Hindu voter base—an underlying concern for the party.

Professor Sanjay Kumar from The Centre for the Study of Developing Societies, says, “Let alone the BJP; no party can openly oppose it; it is not free from danger. BJP gets a large number of votes from the OBC community, their population across the country would be around 52%. Another downside is that the caste-based censuses could disrupt the balance of socio-economic zones. Data theft is a common issue in government systems, and people may feel disconnected from their actual rights.

The moot question is that if the financial status of an ST/SC/OBC or Dalit citizen moves up by a few notches, will his social status change automatically? The lifestyle of any class will only change when the income of a particular class is changed. The actual source of income is employment. The reality is that only metro cities have enough place and space for workers. Aside from the GIDC and IT sectors, less than 30% of industries have their own designated vacancy periods. After a decade, the Jamnagar and Rajkot Corporations have opened their doors to newcomers alongside experienced staff. However, age and caste bias often operate behind the scenes. It’s important to recognise that poverty is also widespread among many upper-caste individuals, and their needs cannot be overlooked. In the overall interests of the nation, terms like SC/ST/OBC, Dalits, etc. must be deleted from the nation’s vocabulary. Every citizen should have only one classification, that of being an ‘Indian’, in the spirit of the constitution.

Last year, when the Bihar government decided to conduct a caste survey in the state, the BJP was also Nitish Kumar’s partner in the state government, and it supported it. Political expert and former professor of Tata Institute of Social Science, Pushpendra Kumar, says, “It is not that the BJP does not talk about caste. It tries to reveal the caste of the Prime Minister as well. For caste politics, the BJP also tried hard to raise the issue of Pasmanda Muslims.”

(The writer is a management professional based in Ahmedabad. Views personal.)

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