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23 August 2024 at 9:59:04 pm

Hidden Economics

The reassuring part of the new Unified Payments Interface (UPI) framework is that customers will apparently not be charged for using UPI. The more interesting part is who, then, pays for keeping one of the world’s most widely used digital-payment systems running. From October 15, a Merchant Discount Rate (MDR) of 0.4 percent will apply to specified person-to-merchant transactions above Rs. 2,000, with a ceiling of Rs. 300 on transactions of Rs. 75,000 or more. Person-to-person payments remain...

Hidden Economics

The reassuring part of the new Unified Payments Interface (UPI) framework is that customers will apparently not be charged for using UPI. The more interesting part is who, then, pays for keeping one of the world’s most widely used digital-payment systems running. From October 15, a Merchant Discount Rate (MDR) of 0.4 percent will apply to specified person-to-merchant transactions above Rs. 2,000, with a ceiling of Rs. 300 on transactions of Rs. 75,000 or more. Person-to-person payments remain free irrespective of the amount, while merchant payments up to Rs. 2,000 remain free. Small merchants receiving up to Rs. 1 lakh a month through UPI QR codes will also continue to enjoy zero MDR. The government says roughly 96 percent of merchant transactions will remain unaffected. So, technically, the customer is exempt. MDR is not a tax collected by the government or NPCI. It is a charge within the payments ecosystem, to be shared among banks, payment-service providers and UPI application providers. But that does not make the economics irrelevant to customers. A merchant who previously accepted a large UPI payment at no direct payment cost will now have to absorb a fee. The government has advised banks to ensure that merchants do not pass the MDR on to customers. The economic reality is less tidy. Businesses ultimately recover costs through their overall pricing. Whether the new charge appears as a visible surcharge, a change in discounts or simply becomes part of the cost of doing business will depend on the merchant and the market. That is why the real beneficiaries of the new framework are not necessarily the customers alone. Payment companies, banks and other participants in the UPI ecosystem acquire a new revenue stream from transactions that were previously free. Paytm, for instance, has said the new MDR will generate additional revenue from merchant transactions that earlier carried no such charge. The money is therefore being redistributed within the payments ecosystem. Small businesses are deliberately insulated, an important distinction in an economy where street vendors and neighbourhood shops have adopted QR payments because they are cheap and frictionless. There is also a larger question. UPI became ubiquitous partly because its basic proposition was brutally simple: instant payments without a visible charge. Introducing MDR for a slice of transactions changes that economic model. The government’s argument is that UPI needs a sustainable financial architecture as its scale grows. But sustainability should not be confused with costlessness. Someone has to finance the infrastructure, security and technology behind a system processing billions of transactions. For now, the customer remains protected. The real test will be whether merchants absorb the cost without quietly transferring it through prices and whether the revenue flowing to banks and fintech companies translates into a stronger, more resilient UPI ecosystem rather than simply a new source of income for its intermediaries.

Caste-based Census Sparks Nationwide Debate

Writer: Darshan Solanki
Darshan Solanki
Oct 2, 2024
3 min read

Updated: Oct 22, 2024

Caste-based Census

Caste-based identities continue to dominate rural India, directly or indirectly shaping electoral outcomes. Many major elections are influenced by specific caste groups. After the Bihar government released the first phase of its caste-based socio-economic survey, the caste census became a hot topic. The results, backed by evidence, showed improvements in the living standards and social status of marginalised communities, both in cities and villages. With parties like the JDU and NCP backing a caste census, there is growing momentum for the government to conduct one. However, every story has two sides—joy and sorrow. Even Mahatma Gandhi, the Father of the Nation, raised concerns about the caste census.

Rahul Gandhi accused the BJP of being “anti-Bahujan.” The clear meaning is that his father and forefather refused to execute a caste-based census, which might have far-reaching effects and even permanently fracture India’s social fabric. This may be negative for caste-based beneficiaries. The last caste census in India was conducted in 1931 by the British government. Those times were different from the present scenario. The data was made public and became the basis for the Mandal Commission Reports and reservation policies for Other Backward Classes. Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) has clarified that the caste-based population count data will not be used for core politics. But the agenda for politics is always twisted and expanded.

The Central Government also joined the legal debate by filing an affidavit with the Supreme Court, leaving the matter unresolved. India’s partition, rooted in the divide-and-rule strategy, is frequently cited as a cautionary tale. Including caste in official census data could further deepen social divides. This issue has become a political pressure point, with various states pushing the Centre for action. Although the Constitution uses the term “class” instead of “caste,” the Supreme Court has consistently ruled that caste is a relevant, and at times, sole or dominant criterion for defining a backward class.

After the release of caste-based census data in Bihar, discussions around conducting similar censuses have gained momentum in states like Rajasthan, Chhattisgarh, and Jharkhand. Karnataka, which has already conducted its own caste census, may release its data soon as well.

Notably, all these states are governed by anti-BJP parties. Congress leader Rahul Gandhi also announced that Congress-ruled states have committed to carrying out caste censuses. Meanwhile, the BJP has remained silent on the matter, creating a significant roadblock.

Caste-based censuses focus on proportional representation in areas like jobs and education, with the argument that this will aid in targeted planning for the disadvantaged. However, the situation remains unclear, much like a foggy winter morning. The BJP’s stance on caste-based censuses and reservations seems different, as they fear the caste-based calculations could fragment their traditional Hindu voter base—an underlying concern for the party.

Professor Sanjay Kumar from The Centre for the Study of Developing Societies, says, “Let alone the BJP; no party can openly oppose it; it is not free from danger. BJP gets a large number of votes from the OBC community, their population across the country would be around 52%. Another downside is that the caste-based censuses could disrupt the balance of socio-economic zones. Data theft is a common issue in government systems, and people may feel disconnected from their actual rights.

The moot question is that if the financial status of an ST/SC/OBC or Dalit citizen moves up by a few notches, will his social status change automatically? The lifestyle of any class will only change when the income of a particular class is changed. The actual source of income is employment. The reality is that only metro cities have enough place and space for workers. Aside from the GIDC and IT sectors, less than 30% of industries have their own designated vacancy periods. After a decade, the Jamnagar and Rajkot Corporations have opened their doors to newcomers alongside experienced staff. However, age and caste bias often operate behind the scenes. It’s important to recognise that poverty is also widespread among many upper-caste individuals, and their needs cannot be overlooked. In the overall interests of the nation, terms like SC/ST/OBC, Dalits, etc. must be deleted from the nation’s vocabulary. Every citizen should have only one classification, that of being an ‘Indian’, in the spirit of the constitution.

Last year, when the Bihar government decided to conduct a caste survey in the state, the BJP was also Nitish Kumar’s partner in the state government, and it supported it. Political expert and former professor of Tata Institute of Social Science, Pushpendra Kumar, says, “It is not that the BJP does not talk about caste. It tries to reveal the caste of the Prime Minister as well. For caste politics, the BJP also tried hard to raise the issue of Pasmanda Muslims.”

(The writer is a management professional based in Ahmedabad. Views personal.)

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