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By:

Parashram Patil

14 January 2026 at 8:49:45 pm

The Winged Bio-Shield

The Indian swiftlet could help Konkan farmers reduce chemical costs, restore biodiversity and build a regenerative agricultural economy. The global agricultural matrix faces a dual crisis: escalating input costs and diminishing ecological returns driven by over-reliance on chemical interventions. In Maharashtra’s Konkan coastal belt, home to high-value horticultural assets such as the Alphonso mango (Hapus), cashew and coconut, this crisis demands a structural shift towards low-input,...

The Winged Bio-Shield

The Indian swiftlet could help Konkan farmers reduce chemical costs, restore biodiversity and build a regenerative agricultural economy. The global agricultural matrix faces a dual crisis: escalating input costs and diminishing ecological returns driven by over-reliance on chemical interventions. In Maharashtra’s Konkan coastal belt, home to high-value horticultural assets such as the Alphonso mango (Hapus), cashew and coconut, this crisis demands a structural shift towards low-input, high-efficiency biological systems. One promising approach is to integrate the Indian swiftlet (Aerodramus unicolor), a specialised insectivore, into agricultural pest management. By aligning its ecological behaviour with the principles of Natural Farming (Bhartiya Prakritik Krishi Paddhati), Konkan could reduce production costs, strengthen biodiversity conservation and build a regenerative agricultural economy. Konkan is a vital contributor to Maharashtra’s agrarian economy, but its high-value crop ecosystems remain vulnerable to fluctuating weather patterns and sudden pest outbreaks. The conventional response has been increased chemical pesticide use, with mounting economic and ecological costs. Synthetic chemical inputs can account for a substantial share of seasonal expenditure, squeezing smallholders’ margins. Pesticide residues can also complicate compliance with stringent Maximum Residue Limit (MRL) standards in export markets, while indiscriminate spraying harms native pollinators and can compromise fruit-set ratios. Reversing this trajectory requires a shift from chemical dependency towards biological pest management and the ecosystem services nature provides. Biological Asset The Indian swiftlet represents a potentially valuable biological asset. Unlike terrestrial birds, its physiology is adapted to continuous, high-velocity aerial foraging. It spends much of the day on the wing, catching insects in flight and covering substantial distances in search of food. From an agronomic perspective, a breeding colony could function as a decentralised bio-shield. The source proposal estimates that an individual swiftlet may consume 3,000 to 5,000 insects daily. On that basis, a hypothetical cluster of 20,000 birds could consume 60 million to 100 million insects a day. These estimates require scientific validation, particularly to establish how much of the birds’ diet consists of agricultural pests. Nevertheless, the possibility of sustained aerial insect predation merits investigation, especially during periods when orchard pest populations threaten valuable crops. By targeting insects in flight, swiftlets could potentially complement other biological controls and help suppress certain pests before they reproduce. Their contribution would depend on local feeding patterns, pest species and the extent to which their foraging overlaps with vulnerable orchards. Integrating swiftlets into agricultural policy could strengthen Natural Farming by addressing a vulnerability of ground-based interventions. Practices such as Jeevamrut application and mulching help nurture soil health and root zones, but do not necessarily protect upper canopies from flying insects. The swiftlet could provide an aerial complement to these practices, creating a more comprehensive ecological defence system without relying exclusively on labour-intensive natural pest-control preparations such as Agniastra. For Konkan’s small and marginal farmers, profitability often depends on controlling input costs. Conventional mango and cashew cultivation can involve considerable expenditure on pesticides and spraying labour. A swiftlet-assisted system could reduce some of these costs if field trials demonstrate effective pest suppression. The potential gains extend beyond farm finances. Reduced chemical spraying could limit workers’ exposure to hazardous substances, lower labour requirements and reduce the risk of crop losses associated with pest outbreaks. However, the scale of these benefits must be established through comparative trials rather than assumed in advance.
Biodiversity Dividend The integration of swiftlet habitats could create an economic incentive to conserve the wider coastal ecosystem, transforming conservation from a perceived burden into a productive asset. Reducing indiscriminate pesticide use would help protect beneficial insects, including native honeybees and butterflies, which play important roles in pollination. The extent of their recovery would depend on broader changes in pesticide practices and habitat quality, but a less chemically intensive landscape would provide a stronger foundation for biodiversity. The same logic applies to Konkan’s devrais, or sacred groves, and fragmented forest patches. These landscapes support diverse ecological communities and provide important habitats. If farmers recognise surrounding forests as part of the natural infrastructure supporting their orchards, community-led conservation could acquire a stronger economic rationale. Reduced chemical contamination could also benefit other regional wildlife, including the Malabar pied hornbill. Maharashtra has a potential biological starting point in the Vengurla Rocks off the Sindhudurg coast, associated with significant Indian swiftlet populations. The next step would be to investigate whether carefully designed inland habitats could attract breeding populations and support agricultural pest management. Parts of Southeast Asia, particularly Malaysia and Indonesia, have developed specialised swiftlet houses modelled on natural caves. These structures, sometimes equipped with acoustic playbacks, attract birds for the commercial production of edible nests. A comparable model could offer rural communities a potential second source of income alongside horticulture. But the transferability of Southeast Asian practices to inland Konkan cannot be assumed. Local climate, habitat, colonisation rates, construction costs and the birds’ ecological requirements would all need careful assessment. The Indian swiftlet’s conservation status and the applicable provisions of the Wildlife (Protection) Act, 1972, must be examined before any capture, harvesting or commercial activity is considered. Conservation must remain central to any economic model. To explore this opportunity, Maharashtra could develop a Public-Private-Community Partnership involving the Forest Department, agricultural researchers and local farmers. Three priorities deserve attention. First, scientific research must establish the swiftlet’s diet, foraging patterns and actual impact on orchard pests. Second, pilot projects should compare conventional cultivation with swiftlet-assisted natural farming, measuring pesticide use, production costs, yields, fruit quality and biodiversity. Third, any proposed nesting structures or commercial activities must comply with wildlife laws. The institutional integration of the Indian swiftlet into Konkan’s agricultural framework offers a potentially valuable synthesis of ecological regeneration and farm economics. By treating the bird not merely as a protected wildlife species but also as a possible partner in biological pest management, Maharashtra could explore a new approach to sustainable horticulture. (The writer is a member of Maharashtra Agriculture Price Commission. Views personal.)

Caste-based Census Sparks Nationwide Debate

Writer: Darshan Solanki
Darshan Solanki
Oct 2, 2024
3 min read

Updated: Oct 22, 2024

Caste-based Census

Caste-based identities continue to dominate rural India, directly or indirectly shaping electoral outcomes. Many major elections are influenced by specific caste groups. After the Bihar government released the first phase of its caste-based socio-economic survey, the caste census became a hot topic. The results, backed by evidence, showed improvements in the living standards and social status of marginalised communities, both in cities and villages. With parties like the JDU and NCP backing a caste census, there is growing momentum for the government to conduct one. However, every story has two sides—joy and sorrow. Even Mahatma Gandhi, the Father of the Nation, raised concerns about the caste census.

Rahul Gandhi accused the BJP of being “anti-Bahujan.” The clear meaning is that his father and forefather refused to execute a caste-based census, which might have far-reaching effects and even permanently fracture India’s social fabric. This may be negative for caste-based beneficiaries. The last caste census in India was conducted in 1931 by the British government. Those times were different from the present scenario. The data was made public and became the basis for the Mandal Commission Reports and reservation policies for Other Backward Classes. Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) has clarified that the caste-based population count data will not be used for core politics. But the agenda for politics is always twisted and expanded.

The Central Government also joined the legal debate by filing an affidavit with the Supreme Court, leaving the matter unresolved. India’s partition, rooted in the divide-and-rule strategy, is frequently cited as a cautionary tale. Including caste in official census data could further deepen social divides. This issue has become a political pressure point, with various states pushing the Centre for action. Although the Constitution uses the term “class” instead of “caste,” the Supreme Court has consistently ruled that caste is a relevant, and at times, sole or dominant criterion for defining a backward class.

After the release of caste-based census data in Bihar, discussions around conducting similar censuses have gained momentum in states like Rajasthan, Chhattisgarh, and Jharkhand. Karnataka, which has already conducted its own caste census, may release its data soon as well.

Notably, all these states are governed by anti-BJP parties. Congress leader Rahul Gandhi also announced that Congress-ruled states have committed to carrying out caste censuses. Meanwhile, the BJP has remained silent on the matter, creating a significant roadblock.

Caste-based censuses focus on proportional representation in areas like jobs and education, with the argument that this will aid in targeted planning for the disadvantaged. However, the situation remains unclear, much like a foggy winter morning. The BJP’s stance on caste-based censuses and reservations seems different, as they fear the caste-based calculations could fragment their traditional Hindu voter base—an underlying concern for the party.

Professor Sanjay Kumar from The Centre for the Study of Developing Societies, says, “Let alone the BJP; no party can openly oppose it; it is not free from danger. BJP gets a large number of votes from the OBC community, their population across the country would be around 52%. Another downside is that the caste-based censuses could disrupt the balance of socio-economic zones. Data theft is a common issue in government systems, and people may feel disconnected from their actual rights.

The moot question is that if the financial status of an ST/SC/OBC or Dalit citizen moves up by a few notches, will his social status change automatically? The lifestyle of any class will only change when the income of a particular class is changed. The actual source of income is employment. The reality is that only metro cities have enough place and space for workers. Aside from the GIDC and IT sectors, less than 30% of industries have their own designated vacancy periods. After a decade, the Jamnagar and Rajkot Corporations have opened their doors to newcomers alongside experienced staff. However, age and caste bias often operate behind the scenes. It’s important to recognise that poverty is also widespread among many upper-caste individuals, and their needs cannot be overlooked. In the overall interests of the nation, terms like SC/ST/OBC, Dalits, etc. must be deleted from the nation’s vocabulary. Every citizen should have only one classification, that of being an ‘Indian’, in the spirit of the constitution.

Last year, when the Bihar government decided to conduct a caste survey in the state, the BJP was also Nitish Kumar’s partner in the state government, and it supported it. Political expert and former professor of Tata Institute of Social Science, Pushpendra Kumar, says, “It is not that the BJP does not talk about caste. It tries to reveal the caste of the Prime Minister as well. For caste politics, the BJP also tried hard to raise the issue of Pasmanda Muslims.”

(The writer is a management professional based in Ahmedabad. Views personal.)

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