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By:

Abhijit Mulye

21 August 2024 at 4:59:11 pm

Why BJP cannot afford to pull Fadnavis out of Maharashtra

Mumbai: A recent political skirmish between Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis’ wife, Amruta and Shiv Sena leader Sanjay Raut has inadvertently breathed new life into one of Maharashtra’s longest-running political debates: Is the Chief Minister quietly preparing to shift his base to New Delhi? Following a provocation by Raut regarding a potential move to the national capital, Amruta delivered a sharp retort, asserting that unlike the Sena leader, both she and her husband remain strictly...

Why BJP cannot afford to pull Fadnavis out of Maharashtra

Mumbai: A recent political skirmish between Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis’ wife, Amruta and Shiv Sena leader Sanjay Raut has inadvertently breathed new life into one of Maharashtra’s longest-running political debates: Is the Chief Minister quietly preparing to shift his base to New Delhi? Following a provocation by Raut regarding a potential move to the national capital, Amruta delivered a sharp retort, asserting that unlike the Sena leader, both she and her husband remain strictly oriented toward grassroots public service. While this high-profile exchange captured the daily headlines, a deeper investigative analysis of the state’s political chessboard reveals a starker structural reality – the BJP simply cannot afford to move Fadnavis anytime soon. The speculation surrounding a “Delhi destiny” for Fadnavis is not new. Political observers have frequently positioned him in the national leadership matrix, with widespread speculation even hinting at him as a potential successor to the Prime Minister. Yet, Fadnavis has consistently played the consummate organization man. He has repeatedly stated his strong preference to remain anchored in Maharashtra, while diplomatically adding that, as a disciplined cadre of the BJP, he is bound to serve the people in whatever capacity the party high command deems appropriate. Leadership Vacuum However, behind closed doors, the real reasons anchoring Fadnavis to Maharashtra lie in the severe leadership vacuum and complex challenges currently facing the state BJP unit. A forensic look at the party’s regional roster exposes a glaring lack of alternatives. Over the past few years, the state party dynamic has been fundamentally restructured; senior stalwarts like Vinod Tawde have already been absorbed into the central leadership in New Delhi, while several other regional heavyweights have been strategically cut down to size. Consequently, the Maharashtra BJP is currently devoid of another experienced, universally acceptable hand with the political bandwidth to govern a crucial and financially vital state. Fadnavis possesses a rare ideological and administrative hybrid profile that perfectly aligns with Maharashtra’s unique sociopolitical climate. He remains deeply rooted in the core Hindutva ideology of his parent organization, yet he seamlessly projects the modern, technocratic, and pro-corporate image that is absolutely essential to helm a highly progressive and industrialized state. This dual persona is the exact political capital required to hold a fragile government together. Fadnavis has proven to be the only leader capable of walking the tightrope of regional coalition politics, successfully acting as the connective tissue between two major, often feuding allies who rarely see eye-to-eye on administrative or ideological issues. Caste Politics Beyond coalition mechanics, Maharashtra is currently navigating a highly volatile undercurrent of simmering caste politics. Fadnavis’ political acumen has been critical in absorbing these sociopolitical stretches and strains, ensuring that these regional frictions do not derail the state’s economic momentum. Under his watch, the administration has fiercely guarded Maharashtra’s position as the numero uno destination for development and investment in the country. Finally, the state is gearing up for a season of massive logistical, cultural, and administrative challenges, most notably the upcoming Kumbh Mela in Nashik. Executing mega-events of this scale requires seasoned, hands-on leadership and deep institutional memory.

Caste-based Census Sparks Nationwide Debate

Updated: Oct 22, 2024

Caste-based Census

Caste-based identities continue to dominate rural India, directly or indirectly shaping electoral outcomes. Many major elections are influenced by specific caste groups. After the Bihar government released the first phase of its caste-based socio-economic survey, the caste census became a hot topic. The results, backed by evidence, showed improvements in the living standards and social status of marginalised communities, both in cities and villages. With parties like the JDU and NCP backing a caste census, there is growing momentum for the government to conduct one. However, every story has two sides—joy and sorrow. Even Mahatma Gandhi, the Father of the Nation, raised concerns about the caste census.

Rahul Gandhi accused the BJP of being “anti-Bahujan.” The clear meaning is that his father and forefather refused to execute a caste-based census, which might have far-reaching effects and even permanently fracture India’s social fabric. This may be negative for caste-based beneficiaries. The last caste census in India was conducted in 1931 by the British government. Those times were different from the present scenario. The data was made public and became the basis for the Mandal Commission Reports and reservation policies for Other Backward Classes. Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) has clarified that the caste-based population count data will not be used for core politics. But the agenda for politics is always twisted and expanded.

The Central Government also joined the legal debate by filing an affidavit with the Supreme Court, leaving the matter unresolved. India’s partition, rooted in the divide-and-rule strategy, is frequently cited as a cautionary tale. Including caste in official census data could further deepen social divides. This issue has become a political pressure point, with various states pushing the Centre for action. Although the Constitution uses the term “class” instead of “caste,” the Supreme Court has consistently ruled that caste is a relevant, and at times, sole or dominant criterion for defining a backward class.

After the release of caste-based census data in Bihar, discussions around conducting similar censuses have gained momentum in states like Rajasthan, Chhattisgarh, and Jharkhand. Karnataka, which has already conducted its own caste census, may release its data soon as well.

Notably, all these states are governed by anti-BJP parties. Congress leader Rahul Gandhi also announced that Congress-ruled states have committed to carrying out caste censuses. Meanwhile, the BJP has remained silent on the matter, creating a significant roadblock.

Caste-based censuses focus on proportional representation in areas like jobs and education, with the argument that this will aid in targeted planning for the disadvantaged. However, the situation remains unclear, much like a foggy winter morning. The BJP’s stance on caste-based censuses and reservations seems different, as they fear the caste-based calculations could fragment their traditional Hindu voter base—an underlying concern for the party.

Professor Sanjay Kumar from The Centre for the Study of Developing Societies, says, “Let alone the BJP; no party can openly oppose it; it is not free from danger. BJP gets a large number of votes from the OBC community, their population across the country would be around 52%. Another downside is that the caste-based censuses could disrupt the balance of socio-economic zones. Data theft is a common issue in government systems, and people may feel disconnected from their actual rights.

The moot question is that if the financial status of an ST/SC/OBC or Dalit citizen moves up by a few notches, will his social status change automatically? The lifestyle of any class will only change when the income of a particular class is changed. The actual source of income is employment. The reality is that only metro cities have enough place and space for workers. Aside from the GIDC and IT sectors, less than 30% of industries have their own designated vacancy periods. After a decade, the Jamnagar and Rajkot Corporations have opened their doors to newcomers alongside experienced staff. However, age and caste bias often operate behind the scenes. It’s important to recognise that poverty is also widespread among many upper-caste individuals, and their needs cannot be overlooked. In the overall interests of the nation, terms like SC/ST/OBC, Dalits, etc. must be deleted from the nation’s vocabulary. Every citizen should have only one classification, that of being an ‘Indian’, in the spirit of the constitution.

Last year, when the Bihar government decided to conduct a caste survey in the state, the BJP was also Nitish Kumar’s partner in the state government, and it supported it. Political expert and former professor of Tata Institute of Social Science, Pushpendra Kumar, says, “It is not that the BJP does not talk about caste. It tries to reveal the caste of the Prime Minister as well. For caste politics, the BJP also tried hard to raise the issue of Pasmanda Muslims.”

(The writer is a management professional based in Ahmedabad. Views personal.)

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