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By:

Arun Vijay

5 May 2026 at 9:27:06 pm

Gandhi to Gramsci: How Congress Lost Its Indian Roots

Unless Congress returns to Gandhi-Vinoba-Radhakrishnan, it will keep strengthening Hindutva forces with its own hands. Rahul Gandhi’s speech at the ‘Chhatron Ki Goonj’ programme in Pune was not merely a speech, but an ideological manifesto. He stated: “70 crore women are India’s greatest strength. You should not be trapped in just three boxes—daughter, wife, or mother. You belong to nobody. You do not belong to anybody except yourself. Smash the patriarchy.” He criticised the Manusmriti’s...

Gandhi to Gramsci: How Congress Lost Its Indian Roots

Unless Congress returns to Gandhi-Vinoba-Radhakrishnan, it will keep strengthening Hindutva forces with its own hands. Rahul Gandhi’s speech at the ‘Chhatron Ki Goonj’ programme in Pune was not merely a speech, but an ideological manifesto. He stated: “70 crore women are India’s greatest strength. You should not be trapped in just three boxes—daughter, wife, or mother. You belong to nobody. You do not belong to anybody except yourself. Smash the patriarchy.” He criticised the Manusmriti’s thought that “a woman should never be independent” and said violence, fear and economic-social control deprive women of opportunities. The core is female autonomy. But its framing reveals Congress’s ideological transition: a tendency to see family and tradition as a ‘fetter’ or ‘cage’. Even if community kitchens or day-care centres were absent from this speech, the direction is clear. This breaks from Congress’s hundred-year-old philosophy. The break began in 1947; its aggressive form has now emerged. Since 1947, Congress had two schools. The first, represented by Mahatma Gandhi, Vinoba Bhave, Kaka Kalelkar, Dr Sarvepalli Radhakrishnan and Rajaji, believed India must be reformed from within. Radhakrishnan described ‘The Hindu Way of Life’ as tolerant. Gandhi sought women’s liberation in Sita’s refusal, not the French Revolution. Vinoba gave women the right to the Vedas through Bhoodan and Brahma Vidya Mandir. They saw the family not as a fetter, but an ashram, and interpreted Manusmriti according to changing times. This became Congress’s mainstream. The second began with Nehru’s Fabian Socialism. While Gandhi said “Go to the villages”, Nehru said “Go to Soviet planning”. Macaulay remained in education and Western ideas of secularism entered culture. Indira Gandhi pushed the party further left. After 2004, under Sonia Gandhi’s NAC, thinkers like Harsh Mander and Aruna Roy officialised foreign ideological imports. Gandhi and Vinoba went into museums; the Western-Marxist framework became mainstream. Rahul Gandhi represents the most aggressive form of that import. The influence of Antonio Gramsci is evident. The Italian Marxist argued that power is won not merely through elections but by shattering Cultural Hegemony through the War of Position and Organic Intellectuals. The strategy means gradually changing definitions through schools, universities, media, NGOs and cultural platforms.. In Pune, references to “a Hindutva project trapped in Manusmriti” and “you belong only to yourself” follow this technique. Depicting Mangalsutra and Karwa Chauth as slavery or patriarchy is part of the process. Certain JNU groups are Organic Intellectuals in Gramsci’s language—appearing like us on the outside, but working for a foreign revolution. Political Suicide This is Congress’s biggest political suicide. Gramsci developed his philosophy against Italy’s centralised Catholic Church. India is not Italy. Its culture is scattered among thousands of castes, saints, folklore, Anganwadi workers and grandmothers running cradles. It cannot be transformed by a single speech. “You belong to nobody…” also forgets a biological and social truth. A human being is born dependent: on a mother’s milk, a father’s hard work and a grandmother’s lullabies. Who cares for children, the elderly, disabled and sick? Not a government scheme, but the belonging that says “You are mine.” ‘My life, My rules’ looks good on Instagram, but even the self-reliant must follow society, law and workplace rules. Attachment is not a fetter, but a ladder. A Mangalsutra is not a chain; it is a public confession: “I have taken your responsibility for life.” This is the Indian perspective. This is especially dangerous for first-generation learners. In a house where no one is a graduate and the mother works in the fields, telling a youth “Your family is your enemy, society suppresses you, rebel alone” does not make him free; it makes him orphaned. He has no NGO backing him, only his family. Therefore, wise youth should choose their battles. Do not fall for false promises or activist groups. Progress does not come from rejecting family or unnecessary conflict with society. Build your world by taking along the family that raised you. Do not reject your parents. Solve life’s problems with patience, gentleness and firmness. This is the true path to liberation. Rahul Gandhi’s path is the opposite. He tells youth their roots are backward. Critics therefore say this thought is close to the philosophy of his maternal home—not because of blood, but context. From this, Modi smiles in his heart. Congress itself provides videos for the BJP. It gets applause in JNU, while votes go to the BJP in Solapur, Nagpur and Vidarbha. The problem is not leadership, but the ecosystem. Unless Congress returns to Gandhi-Vinoba-Radhakrishnan and says “reform from within Indian tradition”, it will remain in a foreign laboratory and strengthen Hindutva forces with its own hands. Female autonomy is necessary. Violence, discrimination and economic dependence must be destroyed. But autonomy is possible not by breaking the family, but by strengthening it and moulding Indian values according to the times. This is the true Indian way. (The writer is a senior journalist. Views personal.)

Caste-based Census Sparks Nationwide Debate

Oct 2, 2024
3 min read

Updated: Oct 22, 2024

Caste-based Census

Caste-based identities continue to dominate rural India, directly or indirectly shaping electoral outcomes. Many major elections are influenced by specific caste groups. After the Bihar government released the first phase of its caste-based socio-economic survey, the caste census became a hot topic. The results, backed by evidence, showed improvements in the living standards and social status of marginalised communities, both in cities and villages. With parties like the JDU and NCP backing a caste census, there is growing momentum for the government to conduct one. However, every story has two sides—joy and sorrow. Even Mahatma Gandhi, the Father of the Nation, raised concerns about the caste census.

Rahul Gandhi accused the BJP of being “anti-Bahujan.” The clear meaning is that his father and forefather refused to execute a caste-based census, which might have far-reaching effects and even permanently fracture India’s social fabric. This may be negative for caste-based beneficiaries. The last caste census in India was conducted in 1931 by the British government. Those times were different from the present scenario. The data was made public and became the basis for the Mandal Commission Reports and reservation policies for Other Backward Classes. Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) has clarified that the caste-based population count data will not be used for core politics. But the agenda for politics is always twisted and expanded.

The Central Government also joined the legal debate by filing an affidavit with the Supreme Court, leaving the matter unresolved. India’s partition, rooted in the divide-and-rule strategy, is frequently cited as a cautionary tale. Including caste in official census data could further deepen social divides. This issue has become a political pressure point, with various states pushing the Centre for action. Although the Constitution uses the term “class” instead of “caste,” the Supreme Court has consistently ruled that caste is a relevant, and at times, sole or dominant criterion for defining a backward class.

After the release of caste-based census data in Bihar, discussions around conducting similar censuses have gained momentum in states like Rajasthan, Chhattisgarh, and Jharkhand. Karnataka, which has already conducted its own caste census, may release its data soon as well.

Notably, all these states are governed by anti-BJP parties. Congress leader Rahul Gandhi also announced that Congress-ruled states have committed to carrying out caste censuses. Meanwhile, the BJP has remained silent on the matter, creating a significant roadblock.

Caste-based censuses focus on proportional representation in areas like jobs and education, with the argument that this will aid in targeted planning for the disadvantaged. However, the situation remains unclear, much like a foggy winter morning. The BJP’s stance on caste-based censuses and reservations seems different, as they fear the caste-based calculations could fragment their traditional Hindu voter base—an underlying concern for the party.

Professor Sanjay Kumar from The Centre for the Study of Developing Societies, says, “Let alone the BJP; no party can openly oppose it; it is not free from danger. BJP gets a large number of votes from the OBC community, their population across the country would be around 52%. Another downside is that the caste-based censuses could disrupt the balance of socio-economic zones. Data theft is a common issue in government systems, and people may feel disconnected from their actual rights.

The moot question is that if the financial status of an ST/SC/OBC or Dalit citizen moves up by a few notches, will his social status change automatically? The lifestyle of any class will only change when the income of a particular class is changed. The actual source of income is employment. The reality is that only metro cities have enough place and space for workers. Aside from the GIDC and IT sectors, less than 30% of industries have their own designated vacancy periods. After a decade, the Jamnagar and Rajkot Corporations have opened their doors to newcomers alongside experienced staff. However, age and caste bias often operate behind the scenes. It’s important to recognise that poverty is also widespread among many upper-caste individuals, and their needs cannot be overlooked. In the overall interests of the nation, terms like SC/ST/OBC, Dalits, etc. must be deleted from the nation’s vocabulary. Every citizen should have only one classification, that of being an ‘Indian’, in the spirit of the constitution.

Last year, when the Bihar government decided to conduct a caste survey in the state, the BJP was also Nitish Kumar’s partner in the state government, and it supported it. Political expert and former professor of Tata Institute of Social Science, Pushpendra Kumar, says, “It is not that the BJP does not talk about caste. It tries to reveal the caste of the Prime Minister as well. For caste politics, the BJP also tried hard to raise the issue of Pasmanda Muslims.”

(The writer is a management professional based in Ahmedabad. Views personal.)

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