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Correspondent

21 August 2024 at 10:20:16 am

Crimson Rot

For decades, Kerala’s Marxists had cultivated an image of ideological austerity by speaking the language of class struggle and public morality while portraying their opponents as corrupt bourgeois opportunists. The CPI(M), particularly under former Chief Minister Pinarayi Vijayan, had perfected this moral theatre. Today, with its political fortunes on the wane, the party’s carefully constructed halo is collapsing under the weight of its own contradictions. The Enforcement Directorate raids...

Crimson Rot

For decades, Kerala’s Marxists had cultivated an image of ideological austerity by speaking the language of class struggle and public morality while portraying their opponents as corrupt bourgeois opportunists. The CPI(M), particularly under former Chief Minister Pinarayi Vijayan, had perfected this moral theatre. Today, with its political fortunes on the wane, the party’s carefully constructed halo is collapsing under the weight of its own contradictions. The Enforcement Directorate raids connected to the CMRL ‘monthly payment’ scandal symbolise the unravelling of a political mythology built over generations. The raids at the residences linked to Vijayan, his daughter Veena Vijayan, and former minister Mohammed Riyas expose a deeply embarrassing spectacle for a party that lectured the nation about probity and ideological purity. The case concerns Cochin Minerals and Rutile Ltd, which allegedly paid Rs. 1.72 crore to Veena Vijayan’s firm, Exalogic Solutions between 2017 and 2020 for consultancy and software services that investigators allege were never actually rendered. According to findings flagged by the Income Tax Settlement Board, these payments allegedly continued because of her “relationship with a prominent person.” This is the oldest form of capitalist cronyism, family connections functioning as political currency. The comrades who once thundered against “bourgeois exploitation” by the likes of Adani now find themselves defending precisely the ecosystem of privilege they claimed to despise. The hypocrisy is staggering. Under Vijayan, the CPI(M) had increasingly ceased to resemble a cadre-based ideological movement and instead acquired the traits of a tightly centralised family enterprise. Despite Kerala’s Marxists fiercely denouncing personality cults, they constructed one of their own around Vijayan’s dominating personality. The most revealing aspect of this scandal has been the collapse of moral legitimacy. The Indian Left long claimed that while others amassed wealth, communists alone stood with clean hands. That illusion has steadily eroded across India, but nowhere is its collapse more dramatic than in Kerala. The party that once romanticised workers now appears inseparable from elite privilege. Its leaders move within circles of influence, patronage and dynastic entitlement strikingly similar to the political classes they once condemned. Kerala’s Marxists increasingly resemble what George Orwell warned revolutions often become: new aristocracies wearing the vocabulary of equality. Vijayan may continue to dismiss the allegations as attempts to tarnish his image. His loyalists may continue shouting conspiracy. But public perception has irrevocably shifted. The image of ED officials entering the former Chief Minister’s residence while probing payments linked to his daughter is politically devastating, irrespective of eventual legal outcomes. Skeletons are tumbling from the cupboard because the cupboard itself was built on deception. The tragedy is that a movement which once promised moral seriousness and ideological discipline has descended into the very decadence it spent decades denouncing. Kerala’s self-proclaimed moral vanguard now stands exposed by the very decadence it once claimed to fight. The comrades preached revolution. What they perfected instead was entitlement.

Caste-based Census Sparks Nationwide Debate

Updated: Oct 22, 2024

Caste-based Census

Caste-based identities continue to dominate rural India, directly or indirectly shaping electoral outcomes. Many major elections are influenced by specific caste groups. After the Bihar government released the first phase of its caste-based socio-economic survey, the caste census became a hot topic. The results, backed by evidence, showed improvements in the living standards and social status of marginalised communities, both in cities and villages. With parties like the JDU and NCP backing a caste census, there is growing momentum for the government to conduct one. However, every story has two sides—joy and sorrow. Even Mahatma Gandhi, the Father of the Nation, raised concerns about the caste census.

Rahul Gandhi accused the BJP of being “anti-Bahujan.” The clear meaning is that his father and forefather refused to execute a caste-based census, which might have far-reaching effects and even permanently fracture India’s social fabric. This may be negative for caste-based beneficiaries. The last caste census in India was conducted in 1931 by the British government. Those times were different from the present scenario. The data was made public and became the basis for the Mandal Commission Reports and reservation policies for Other Backward Classes. Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) has clarified that the caste-based population count data will not be used for core politics. But the agenda for politics is always twisted and expanded.

The Central Government also joined the legal debate by filing an affidavit with the Supreme Court, leaving the matter unresolved. India’s partition, rooted in the divide-and-rule strategy, is frequently cited as a cautionary tale. Including caste in official census data could further deepen social divides. This issue has become a political pressure point, with various states pushing the Centre for action. Although the Constitution uses the term “class” instead of “caste,” the Supreme Court has consistently ruled that caste is a relevant, and at times, sole or dominant criterion for defining a backward class.

After the release of caste-based census data in Bihar, discussions around conducting similar censuses have gained momentum in states like Rajasthan, Chhattisgarh, and Jharkhand. Karnataka, which has already conducted its own caste census, may release its data soon as well.

Notably, all these states are governed by anti-BJP parties. Congress leader Rahul Gandhi also announced that Congress-ruled states have committed to carrying out caste censuses. Meanwhile, the BJP has remained silent on the matter, creating a significant roadblock.

Caste-based censuses focus on proportional representation in areas like jobs and education, with the argument that this will aid in targeted planning for the disadvantaged. However, the situation remains unclear, much like a foggy winter morning. The BJP’s stance on caste-based censuses and reservations seems different, as they fear the caste-based calculations could fragment their traditional Hindu voter base—an underlying concern for the party.

Professor Sanjay Kumar from The Centre for the Study of Developing Societies, says, “Let alone the BJP; no party can openly oppose it; it is not free from danger. BJP gets a large number of votes from the OBC community, their population across the country would be around 52%. Another downside is that the caste-based censuses could disrupt the balance of socio-economic zones. Data theft is a common issue in government systems, and people may feel disconnected from their actual rights.

The moot question is that if the financial status of an ST/SC/OBC or Dalit citizen moves up by a few notches, will his social status change automatically? The lifestyle of any class will only change when the income of a particular class is changed. The actual source of income is employment. The reality is that only metro cities have enough place and space for workers. Aside from the GIDC and IT sectors, less than 30% of industries have their own designated vacancy periods. After a decade, the Jamnagar and Rajkot Corporations have opened their doors to newcomers alongside experienced staff. However, age and caste bias often operate behind the scenes. It’s important to recognise that poverty is also widespread among many upper-caste individuals, and their needs cannot be overlooked. In the overall interests of the nation, terms like SC/ST/OBC, Dalits, etc. must be deleted from the nation’s vocabulary. Every citizen should have only one classification, that of being an ‘Indian’, in the spirit of the constitution.

Last year, when the Bihar government decided to conduct a caste survey in the state, the BJP was also Nitish Kumar’s partner in the state government, and it supported it. Political expert and former professor of Tata Institute of Social Science, Pushpendra Kumar, says, “It is not that the BJP does not talk about caste. It tries to reveal the caste of the Prime Minister as well. For caste politics, the BJP also tried hard to raise the issue of Pasmanda Muslims.”

(The writer is a management professional based in Ahmedabad. Views personal.)

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