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By:

Naresh Kamath

5 November 2024 at 11:00:38 am

Corporatisation of Ganesh Mandals affect devotees

People carry an idol of lord Ganesh to a 'pandal' ahead of 'Ganesh Chaturthi' festival in Mumbai on Tuesday. Mumbai: As the Aagman (welcoming) of Lord Chintamani saw a sea of humanity descend in the Lalbaug-Parel belt on Saturday, one could not escape the stamp of the Adani Group which has now become an exclusive partner of the Chinchpokli Sarvajanik Utsav mandal. Following the Ambani’s which has patronised the nearby Lalbaugcha Raja from the last few years, the move by the Chinchpokli Ganesh...

Corporatisation of Ganesh Mandals affect devotees

People carry an idol of lord Ganesh to a 'pandal' ahead of 'Ganesh Chaturthi' festival in Mumbai on Tuesday. Mumbai: As the Aagman (welcoming) of Lord Chintamani saw a sea of humanity descend in the Lalbaug-Parel belt on Saturday, one could not escape the stamp of the Adani Group which has now become an exclusive partner of the Chinchpokli Sarvajanik Utsav mandal. Following the Ambani’s which has patronised the nearby Lalbaugcha Raja from the last few years, the move by the Chinchpokli Ganesh Mandal to partner with the Adani group is increasingly seen as corporatisation of the most popular festival of Maharashtra.“There is no partnership or deal as such. We have just given them exclusive advertising rights,” said Santosh Sohni, secretary of the Chinchpokli Ganesh mandal. He said that Adanis approached the Mandal after being impressed by the social work undertaken by the Mandal. The Mandal is creating a replica of the famous Tirupati temple to house Lord Ganesh this year.However, this has not gone well with both the devotees as well as political parties who described it as a hijacking of this festival by the corporates.For the neighbourhoods, the festival which was financed by small donations by households and small shopkeepers, entry by the corporates with deep pockets is seen as loss of innocence of this fest.“This Maharashtrian festival is being taken over by the corporates and this is just a beginning. The whole area will be monopolised by Adani and Ambani banners and gradually they will lord over the mandals,” warned Maharashtra Navnirman Sena (MNS) leader Sandeep Deshpande. “The common Karyakartas (workers) will be getting increasingly marginalised and paid workers will rule,” he added. Anant Ambani, Executive Director, Reliance Industries was appointed as honorary advisor of Lalbaugcha Raja and is a familiar face during the 11-day festival regularly taking part in the daily Aartis. In fact, last year, he also took part in the Visarjan (immersion) of the Lord. In 2024, Anant Ambani and Reliance Foundation gifted a 20-kilogram gold crown valued at Rs 15 crore to Lalbaugcha Raja.Deshpande has a point as till last year, majority of the banners outside Lalbaugcha Raja were of the Reliance group and featured Anant Ambani prominently. Huge Opportunity The Parel-Lalbaug belt dominated by the labour and middle class is the mecca of Ganesh Festival which is visited by crores of people across the country during the 11-day festival. Sunil Ghume, a resident of Parel who has seen the festival evolved across decades, asserts, “The corporates see a huge opportunity in this area as it gives them a branding opportunity as well as helps them to network.” “Do you think these Mandals can defy these corporates given their money power and influence?” questioned Ghume. Ghume rued that locals are feeling being left out in the festivals. “Families used to come together, hold competitions and mingle together. However huge funding has played a spoilsport,” he added.Though the Sarvajanik Ganesh festival was started by Lokmanya Tilak as a part of political mobilisation against the British rule in 1893, it was Shiv Sena founder Bal Thackeray who realised the potential of this fest. The Ganesh festival played an important role in the growth of the saffron outfit which can be gauged from the fact that all major Sena leaders have headed Ganpati mandals. The Ganesh Galli Mandal is headed by Kiran Tawde who is a current BMC corporator from Shiv Sena UBT while Sudhir Salvi who is currently secretary of Lalbaugcha Raja is a top Sena leader. Till a decade back, going to Lalbaug-Parel belt and visiting various Ganesh Mandals and enjoying the different poses of the Ganesh Idol used to be family routine. However, this has all changed as getting here during the fest is a herculean task and getting Darshan of Lalbaugcha Raja takes hours standing in serpentine queue. “During childhood it was pleasure to visit various mandals. But now it’s becoming impossible given the mammoth crowd. The rich people get faster access while common people have to wait for hours,” rued 55-year-old Mahesh Halwai, who is a Lalbaug resident.

Caste-based Census Sparks Nationwide Debate

Updated: Oct 22, 2024

Caste-based Census

Caste-based identities continue to dominate rural India, directly or indirectly shaping electoral outcomes. Many major elections are influenced by specific caste groups. After the Bihar government released the first phase of its caste-based socio-economic survey, the caste census became a hot topic. The results, backed by evidence, showed improvements in the living standards and social status of marginalised communities, both in cities and villages. With parties like the JDU and NCP backing a caste census, there is growing momentum for the government to conduct one. However, every story has two sides—joy and sorrow. Even Mahatma Gandhi, the Father of the Nation, raised concerns about the caste census.

Rahul Gandhi accused the BJP of being “anti-Bahujan.” The clear meaning is that his father and forefather refused to execute a caste-based census, which might have far-reaching effects and even permanently fracture India’s social fabric. This may be negative for caste-based beneficiaries. The last caste census in India was conducted in 1931 by the British government. Those times were different from the present scenario. The data was made public and became the basis for the Mandal Commission Reports and reservation policies for Other Backward Classes. Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) has clarified that the caste-based population count data will not be used for core politics. But the agenda for politics is always twisted and expanded.

The Central Government also joined the legal debate by filing an affidavit with the Supreme Court, leaving the matter unresolved. India’s partition, rooted in the divide-and-rule strategy, is frequently cited as a cautionary tale. Including caste in official census data could further deepen social divides. This issue has become a political pressure point, with various states pushing the Centre for action. Although the Constitution uses the term “class” instead of “caste,” the Supreme Court has consistently ruled that caste is a relevant, and at times, sole or dominant criterion for defining a backward class.

After the release of caste-based census data in Bihar, discussions around conducting similar censuses have gained momentum in states like Rajasthan, Chhattisgarh, and Jharkhand. Karnataka, which has already conducted its own caste census, may release its data soon as well.

Notably, all these states are governed by anti-BJP parties. Congress leader Rahul Gandhi also announced that Congress-ruled states have committed to carrying out caste censuses. Meanwhile, the BJP has remained silent on the matter, creating a significant roadblock.

Caste-based censuses focus on proportional representation in areas like jobs and education, with the argument that this will aid in targeted planning for the disadvantaged. However, the situation remains unclear, much like a foggy winter morning. The BJP’s stance on caste-based censuses and reservations seems different, as they fear the caste-based calculations could fragment their traditional Hindu voter base—an underlying concern for the party.

Professor Sanjay Kumar from The Centre for the Study of Developing Societies, says, “Let alone the BJP; no party can openly oppose it; it is not free from danger. BJP gets a large number of votes from the OBC community, their population across the country would be around 52%. Another downside is that the caste-based censuses could disrupt the balance of socio-economic zones. Data theft is a common issue in government systems, and people may feel disconnected from their actual rights.

The moot question is that if the financial status of an ST/SC/OBC or Dalit citizen moves up by a few notches, will his social status change automatically? The lifestyle of any class will only change when the income of a particular class is changed. The actual source of income is employment. The reality is that only metro cities have enough place and space for workers. Aside from the GIDC and IT sectors, less than 30% of industries have their own designated vacancy periods. After a decade, the Jamnagar and Rajkot Corporations have opened their doors to newcomers alongside experienced staff. However, age and caste bias often operate behind the scenes. It’s important to recognise that poverty is also widespread among many upper-caste individuals, and their needs cannot be overlooked. In the overall interests of the nation, terms like SC/ST/OBC, Dalits, etc. must be deleted from the nation’s vocabulary. Every citizen should have only one classification, that of being an ‘Indian’, in the spirit of the constitution.

Last year, when the Bihar government decided to conduct a caste survey in the state, the BJP was also Nitish Kumar’s partner in the state government, and it supported it. Political expert and former professor of Tata Institute of Social Science, Pushpendra Kumar, says, “It is not that the BJP does not talk about caste. It tries to reveal the caste of the Prime Minister as well. For caste politics, the BJP also tried hard to raise the issue of Pasmanda Muslims.”

(The writer is a management professional based in Ahmedabad. Views personal.)

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