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By:

Commodore S.L. Deshmukh

31 October 2024 at 8:30:19 am

Killing the Hidden Killer

INS Mangrol strengthens India’s underwater defences as Chinese anti-submarine capabilities and Pakistan’s submarine fleet underscore the need for indigenous technology and coastal preparedness. The most dangerous threat to a warship is not always visible on the horizon. Lurking beneath the waves, a hostile submarine can threaten naval assets, disrupt maritime traffic and place critical infrastructure at risk without revealing its presence. For India, whose maritime interests stretch across...

Killing the Hidden Killer

INS Mangrol strengthens India’s underwater defences as Chinese anti-submarine capabilities and Pakistan’s submarine fleet underscore the need for indigenous technology and coastal preparedness. The most dangerous threat to a warship is not always visible on the horizon. Lurking beneath the waves, a hostile submarine can threaten naval assets, disrupt maritime traffic and place critical infrastructure at risk without revealing its presence. For India, whose maritime interests stretch across the Arabian Sea, the Bay of Bengal and the wider Indian Ocean, countering this hidden threat is an operational necessity. The commissioning of INS Mangrol, the Indian Navy’s third Anti-Submarine Warfare Shallow Water Craft (ASW-SWC) built by Cochin Shipyard Limited (CSL), Kochi, represents another important step in strengthening this capability. At a time when China is expanding its naval reach and Pakistan continues to operate Chinese-origin submarines, India’s ability to detect, track and neutralise underwater threats assumes growing strategic significance. Complex Challenges Anti-submarine warfare (ASW) presents particular challenges in shallow coastal waters. Unlike the relatively predictable acoustic environment of the deep sea, littoral waters generate complex sound patterns through seabed reflections, shipping activity and varying water conditions. These factors can complicate the detection and classification of hostile submarines. Yet these are precisely the waters where threats can approach naval bases, strategic ports, commercial shipping lanes and offshore installations. Conventional frigates and destroyers, despite their formidable capabilities, cannot always operate with the same agility in confined, shallow-water environments. This is where the ASW-SWC programme assumes significance. Conceived as a replacement for the ageing Abhay-class corvettes, these vessels are designed to provide specialised anti-submarine protection in India’s coastal waters. Their induction strengthens a crucial layer of maritime defence between the open sea and the country’s vulnerable coastal approaches. INS Mangrol carries forward a distinguished naval tradition. Named after the historic port town of Mangrol in Gujarat’s Junagadh district, it also recalls the legacy of the erstwhile INS Mangrol (M85), an Agray-class minesweeper decommissioned in 2004. Designed for anti-submarine warfare, underwater surveillance and coastal patrol, its significance, however, extends beyond its relatively compact dimensions. The vessel combines specialised sensors, indigenous weapons and manoeuvrability suited to the demanding conditions of shallow waters. Its sensor suite includes the DRDO-developed Abhay hull-mounted sonar and advanced low-frequency active towed-array sonar capabilities tailored to the challenging acoustics of littoral environments. Together, these systems are intended to improve the detection and tracking of underwater contacts. The vessel’s armament includes indigenous anti-submarine rocket launchers and lightweight torpedoes, supported by remote-controlled gun mounts for other operational requirements. Its indigenous Maareech Advanced Torpedo Defence System adds another layer of protection, helping detect, classify and counter incoming torpedo threats through acoustic countermeasures and decoys. These characteristics are particularly valuable when operating close to shore, where time and space for tactical decisions can be severely limited. Its utility is not restricted to hunting submarines. The platform can also undertake low-intensity maritime operations, surveillance of coastal choke points, mine-related missions and search-and-rescue duties. Such versatility makes it a valuable asset in peacetime as well as during periods of heightened tension. Equally important is the programme’s contribution to self-reliance. With more than 80 per cent indigenous content understood to be incorporated in INS Mangrol, the vessel reflects the growing capabilities of Indian shipyards, defence laboratories and domestic manufacturers, including micro, small and medium enterprises. The programme also demonstrates how complex naval platforms can strengthen the wider domestic defence ecosystem. The broader ASW-SWC programme has already gained momentum with the induction of vessels including INS Arnala, INS Androth and INS Mahe. The remaining ships are scheduled for completion by June 2028. Once the programme matures, the Navy will possess a more comprehensive and modernised force for addressing underwater threats close to India’s shores. The China Threat India’s requirement for stronger anti-submarine capabilities must be viewed against the wider transformation of China’s People’s Liberation Army Navy (PLAN). Beijing has invested heavily in modern surface combatants, submarines, maritime surveillance systems and aviation platforms, with ASW forming an important component of its expanding naval capabilities. The Type 055 Renhai-class guided-missile destroyer illustrates this evolution. Equipped with a 112-cell vertical launch system, advanced multifunction radar and electronic warfare capabilities, the class is designed for complex, multi-domain naval operations. Its ability to operate with shipborne helicopters, including the Z-20F in the PLAN’s anti-submarine role, adds an important aerial dimension to maritime surveillance and submarine hunting. China has also pursued greater operational coordination with Russia. Joint naval exercises, including anti-submarine activities conducted by the two countries in October 2024, have highlighted their interest in improving interoperability and coordinated maritime operations. For India, the implications are clear. The challenge is not simply the number of submarines a potential adversary possesses, but the integration of sensors, aircraft, surface ships, weapons and information networks into a coordinated operational system. Pakistan’s acquisition and operation of Chinese-origin submarine platforms adds another dimension to India’s maritime security calculations. The possibility of hostile submarines operating near strategic ports, naval installations and offshore energy infrastructure demands sustained vigilance. The protection of assets such as the Bombay High oil and gas fields is especially important given their significance to national energy security. INS Mangrol is an important addition to India’s coastal anti-submarine shield, but a single platform cannot neutralise every underwater threat. Effective ASW depends on the integration of ships, maritime patrol aircraft, helicopters, surveillance networks, trained crews and reliable intelligence. Equally critical are continuous upgrades, realistic exercises and the ability to operate seamlessly across different maritime environments. Aatmanirbhar Bharat in naval defence must mean not merely assembling ships at home, but developing the technologies, industrial depth and operational expertise needed to maintain a decisive advantage. INS Mangrol represents progress in this demanding contest. Its real value will lie in the larger indigenous maritime-defence ecosystem it helps strengthen. (The writer is a retired naval aviation officer and defence and geopolitical analyst. Views personal.)

Caste-based Census Sparks Nationwide Debate

Writer: Darshan Solanki
Darshan Solanki
Oct 2, 2024
3 min read

Updated: Oct 22, 2024

Caste-based Census

Caste-based identities continue to dominate rural India, directly or indirectly shaping electoral outcomes. Many major elections are influenced by specific caste groups. After the Bihar government released the first phase of its caste-based socio-economic survey, the caste census became a hot topic. The results, backed by evidence, showed improvements in the living standards and social status of marginalised communities, both in cities and villages. With parties like the JDU and NCP backing a caste census, there is growing momentum for the government to conduct one. However, every story has two sides—joy and sorrow. Even Mahatma Gandhi, the Father of the Nation, raised concerns about the caste census.

Rahul Gandhi accused the BJP of being “anti-Bahujan.” The clear meaning is that his father and forefather refused to execute a caste-based census, which might have far-reaching effects and even permanently fracture India’s social fabric. This may be negative for caste-based beneficiaries. The last caste census in India was conducted in 1931 by the British government. Those times were different from the present scenario. The data was made public and became the basis for the Mandal Commission Reports and reservation policies for Other Backward Classes. Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) has clarified that the caste-based population count data will not be used for core politics. But the agenda for politics is always twisted and expanded.

The Central Government also joined the legal debate by filing an affidavit with the Supreme Court, leaving the matter unresolved. India’s partition, rooted in the divide-and-rule strategy, is frequently cited as a cautionary tale. Including caste in official census data could further deepen social divides. This issue has become a political pressure point, with various states pushing the Centre for action. Although the Constitution uses the term “class” instead of “caste,” the Supreme Court has consistently ruled that caste is a relevant, and at times, sole or dominant criterion for defining a backward class.

After the release of caste-based census data in Bihar, discussions around conducting similar censuses have gained momentum in states like Rajasthan, Chhattisgarh, and Jharkhand. Karnataka, which has already conducted its own caste census, may release its data soon as well.

Notably, all these states are governed by anti-BJP parties. Congress leader Rahul Gandhi also announced that Congress-ruled states have committed to carrying out caste censuses. Meanwhile, the BJP has remained silent on the matter, creating a significant roadblock.

Caste-based censuses focus on proportional representation in areas like jobs and education, with the argument that this will aid in targeted planning for the disadvantaged. However, the situation remains unclear, much like a foggy winter morning. The BJP’s stance on caste-based censuses and reservations seems different, as they fear the caste-based calculations could fragment their traditional Hindu voter base—an underlying concern for the party.

Professor Sanjay Kumar from The Centre for the Study of Developing Societies, says, “Let alone the BJP; no party can openly oppose it; it is not free from danger. BJP gets a large number of votes from the OBC community, their population across the country would be around 52%. Another downside is that the caste-based censuses could disrupt the balance of socio-economic zones. Data theft is a common issue in government systems, and people may feel disconnected from their actual rights.

The moot question is that if the financial status of an ST/SC/OBC or Dalit citizen moves up by a few notches, will his social status change automatically? The lifestyle of any class will only change when the income of a particular class is changed. The actual source of income is employment. The reality is that only metro cities have enough place and space for workers. Aside from the GIDC and IT sectors, less than 30% of industries have their own designated vacancy periods. After a decade, the Jamnagar and Rajkot Corporations have opened their doors to newcomers alongside experienced staff. However, age and caste bias often operate behind the scenes. It’s important to recognise that poverty is also widespread among many upper-caste individuals, and their needs cannot be overlooked. In the overall interests of the nation, terms like SC/ST/OBC, Dalits, etc. must be deleted from the nation’s vocabulary. Every citizen should have only one classification, that of being an ‘Indian’, in the spirit of the constitution.

Last year, when the Bihar government decided to conduct a caste survey in the state, the BJP was also Nitish Kumar’s partner in the state government, and it supported it. Political expert and former professor of Tata Institute of Social Science, Pushpendra Kumar, says, “It is not that the BJP does not talk about caste. It tries to reveal the caste of the Prime Minister as well. For caste politics, the BJP also tried hard to raise the issue of Pasmanda Muslims.”

(The writer is a management professional based in Ahmedabad. Views personal.)

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