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By:

Rajendra Pandharpure

15 April 2025 at 7:55:54 pm

Fadnavis’s Report-Card Warning Rattles Pune BJP

A poor turnout at a crucial campaign meeting has exposed concerns over organisational complacency, civic engagement and the widening gap between the BJP’s electoral dominance and its grassroots performance. Pune’s political circles are abuzz after Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis delivered an unusually sharp reprimand to BJP corporators, warning them against seeking positions without demonstrating their commitment to the party. “If you come only to ask for positions, I will pull out the...

Fadnavis’s Report-Card Warning Rattles Pune BJP

A poor turnout at a crucial campaign meeting has exposed concerns over organisational complacency, civic engagement and the widening gap between the BJP’s electoral dominance and its grassroots performance. Pune’s political circles are abuzz after Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis delivered an unusually sharp reprimand to BJP corporators, warning them against seeking positions without demonstrating their commitment to the party. “If you come only to ask for positions, I will pull out the ‘report card’ of each one of you,” he cautioned at a campaign meeting for the Legislative Council elections to the Teachers’ and Graduates’ constituencies. The remark has resonated within the BJP, exposing growing unease over the functioning of its local organisation despite its commanding majority in the Pune Municipal Corporation (PMC). But it was the circumstances that preceded the outburst that have drawn attention: poor attendance by corporators from Pune and Pimpri-Chinchwad at a meeting convened by the Chief Minister himself, amid complaints that several elected representatives were not actively participating in the election campaign. Low Turnout Fadnavis was reportedly already displeased with the lack of involvement. The thin attendance only aggravated his concerns, prompting him to question Pune’s low voter turnout in comparison with the 80 per cent recorded in the Konkan constituency. His message was unambiguous: the party’s shortcomings needed to be addressed, and its representatives had to get back to work. The episode has brought into focus a paradox confronting the BJP in Pune. Despite its numerical strength in the civic body, the party has struggled to establish the same visibility and political aggression displayed by opposition corporators, particularly those from the Congress and the Nationalist Congress Party (Sharadchandra Pawar). Opposition representatives have continued to command media attention, raising questions about whether the BJP’s overwhelming numbers have translated into effective political engagement. The concern is not new. Union Minister of State Murlidhar Mohol had earlier convened a meeting with BJP corporators to impress upon them the need to become more active and responsive. Yet, according to party insiders, the desired improvement has remained elusive. Local leaders have also flagged poor attendance at municipal proceedings and a lack of enthusiasm for expanding the party’s membership base. For a party that places considerable emphasis on discipline and cadre mobilisation, the disconnect between electoral strength and day-to-day political activity presents an uncomfortable challenge. Complacency of Power The BJP’s success in securing a commanding position in the PMC may itself have contributed to a degree of complacency. With no major general election immediately on the horizon, some elected representatives appear to be concentrating more on individual ambitions than on strengthening the organisation, according to a BJP office-bearer. Pune is witnessing major infrastructure initiatives involving the Metro, a ring road, airport development and river rejuvenation. The BJP leadership is keen that these projects become part of a visible political narrative, demonstrating the benefits of the party’s presence in power at both the state and national levels. However, development projects do not automatically translate into political dividends. If party representatives fail to connect these initiatives with citizens, the political advantage of being in government can diminish. The leadership’s concern, therefore, is about whether the local organisation is adequately equipped to convert governance into public support. Fadnavis’s unusually stern tone has also invited interpretations about his broader approach to party management. Generally regarded as measured in his public interventions, the Chief Minister appeared unwilling to tolerate what he perceives as a weakening of organisational discipline. The BJP has, by and large, avoided the kind of debilitating factionalism that has weakened the Congress in Maharashtra. The leadership of Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Fadnavis remains firmly established within the party. But leadership cohesion at the top does not necessarily guarantee efficiency at the local level. The challenge is to ensure that discipline and political energy permeate the organisation beyond its senior ranks. The unease is compounded by complaints over the selection of candidates for the Teachers’ and Graduates’ constituencies. Some party members have questioned whether geographical representation was adequately balanced and whether the contributions of workers have received due recognition. Such grievances could complicate an election campaign in which the BJP is already anticipating a stiff contest in the Teachers’ constituency.

Caste-based Census Sparks Nationwide Debate

Writer: Darshan Solanki
Darshan Solanki
Oct 2, 2024
3 min read

Updated: Oct 22, 2024

Caste-based Census

Caste-based identities continue to dominate rural India, directly or indirectly shaping electoral outcomes. Many major elections are influenced by specific caste groups. After the Bihar government released the first phase of its caste-based socio-economic survey, the caste census became a hot topic. The results, backed by evidence, showed improvements in the living standards and social status of marginalised communities, both in cities and villages. With parties like the JDU and NCP backing a caste census, there is growing momentum for the government to conduct one. However, every story has two sides—joy and sorrow. Even Mahatma Gandhi, the Father of the Nation, raised concerns about the caste census.

Rahul Gandhi accused the BJP of being “anti-Bahujan.” The clear meaning is that his father and forefather refused to execute a caste-based census, which might have far-reaching effects and even permanently fracture India’s social fabric. This may be negative for caste-based beneficiaries. The last caste census in India was conducted in 1931 by the British government. Those times were different from the present scenario. The data was made public and became the basis for the Mandal Commission Reports and reservation policies for Other Backward Classes. Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) has clarified that the caste-based population count data will not be used for core politics. But the agenda for politics is always twisted and expanded.

The Central Government also joined the legal debate by filing an affidavit with the Supreme Court, leaving the matter unresolved. India’s partition, rooted in the divide-and-rule strategy, is frequently cited as a cautionary tale. Including caste in official census data could further deepen social divides. This issue has become a political pressure point, with various states pushing the Centre for action. Although the Constitution uses the term “class” instead of “caste,” the Supreme Court has consistently ruled that caste is a relevant, and at times, sole or dominant criterion for defining a backward class.

After the release of caste-based census data in Bihar, discussions around conducting similar censuses have gained momentum in states like Rajasthan, Chhattisgarh, and Jharkhand. Karnataka, which has already conducted its own caste census, may release its data soon as well.

Notably, all these states are governed by anti-BJP parties. Congress leader Rahul Gandhi also announced that Congress-ruled states have committed to carrying out caste censuses. Meanwhile, the BJP has remained silent on the matter, creating a significant roadblock.

Caste-based censuses focus on proportional representation in areas like jobs and education, with the argument that this will aid in targeted planning for the disadvantaged. However, the situation remains unclear, much like a foggy winter morning. The BJP’s stance on caste-based censuses and reservations seems different, as they fear the caste-based calculations could fragment their traditional Hindu voter base—an underlying concern for the party.

Professor Sanjay Kumar from The Centre for the Study of Developing Societies, says, “Let alone the BJP; no party can openly oppose it; it is not free from danger. BJP gets a large number of votes from the OBC community, their population across the country would be around 52%. Another downside is that the caste-based censuses could disrupt the balance of socio-economic zones. Data theft is a common issue in government systems, and people may feel disconnected from their actual rights.

The moot question is that if the financial status of an ST/SC/OBC or Dalit citizen moves up by a few notches, will his social status change automatically? The lifestyle of any class will only change when the income of a particular class is changed. The actual source of income is employment. The reality is that only metro cities have enough place and space for workers. Aside from the GIDC and IT sectors, less than 30% of industries have their own designated vacancy periods. After a decade, the Jamnagar and Rajkot Corporations have opened their doors to newcomers alongside experienced staff. However, age and caste bias often operate behind the scenes. It’s important to recognise that poverty is also widespread among many upper-caste individuals, and their needs cannot be overlooked. In the overall interests of the nation, terms like SC/ST/OBC, Dalits, etc. must be deleted from the nation’s vocabulary. Every citizen should have only one classification, that of being an ‘Indian’, in the spirit of the constitution.

Last year, when the Bihar government decided to conduct a caste survey in the state, the BJP was also Nitish Kumar’s partner in the state government, and it supported it. Political expert and former professor of Tata Institute of Social Science, Pushpendra Kumar, says, “It is not that the BJP does not talk about caste. It tries to reveal the caste of the Prime Minister as well. For caste politics, the BJP also tried hard to raise the issue of Pasmanda Muslims.”

(The writer is a management professional based in Ahmedabad. Views personal.)

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