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23 August 2024 at 9:59:04 pm

Marathi Matters

A basic knowledge of the local language should not be an unreasonable demand for someone earning a living by serving the public in that state. The perfectly reasonable proposition put forward by the state government that commercial passenger-vehicle drivers should possess a working knowledge of Marathi has been unfortunately recast by some taxi and autorickshaw drivers as an assault on fundamental rights. Four Mumbai-based Uber drivers have approached the Bombay High Court, challenging the...

Marathi Matters

A basic knowledge of the local language should not be an unreasonable demand for someone earning a living by serving the public in that state. The perfectly reasonable proposition put forward by the state government that commercial passenger-vehicle drivers should possess a working knowledge of Marathi has been unfortunately recast by some taxi and autorickshaw drivers as an assault on fundamental rights. Four Mumbai-based Uber drivers have approached the Bombay High Court, challenging the state government’s notification making working knowledge of Marathi compulsory. Their petition invokes constitutional guarantees of equality, the freedom to practise a profession and the right to life, while arguing that the Motor Vehicles Act does not prescribe a language requirement for badges or permits. There is nothing inherently oppressive about expecting a worker who operates in a particular linguistic environment to learn enough of its language to perform his job. A driver does not need to become a Marathi scholar, pass an examination in medieval literature or abandon his mother tongue. He needs to understand a passenger, ask where he wants to go, give basic directions and deal with an emergency. That cannot be cultural assimilation by force. It is, in fact, basic occupational competence. The principle is hardly peculiar to Maharashtra. Indians who move to another state for work routinely encounter a different language and, sensibly, make an effort to acquire at least its basics. A Bengali worker in Tamil Nadu, a Marathi worker in Karnataka or a Hindi-speaking migrant in Kerala cannot reasonably expect the surrounding society to reorganise itself entirely around his linguistic preferences. Learning the local language is one of the simplest forms of adaptation and, ideally, the beginning of acculturation. The irony in Mumbai is particularly rich. Drivers protesting the requirement have reportedly been turning up at language classes, armed with handwritten Marathi phrases. What passengers actually need is rather more prosaic, basic yes or no and questions on destination from their prospective drivers. The state’s decision to establish 161 training centres, provide a helpline and allow drivers who fail the test time to improve is therefore welcome. Enforcement should be transparent, proportionate and free of vigilantism. A language requirement certainly should never become an excuse for extortion or intimidation. But the answer to an imperfectly administered rule is better administration, not the rejection of the principle itself. Those who choose to earn their livelihood in Maharashtra should not be encouraged to regard Marathi as an imposition simply because it is inconvenient to learn. Mumbai has always absorbed outsiders. It has not required them to surrender their identities. It can, however, reasonably ask them to learn how to say “yes, please sit” before they learn a dozen ways of saying “I want to go home.”

Caste-based Census Sparks Nationwide Debate

Updated: Oct 22, 2024

Caste-based Census

Caste-based identities continue to dominate rural India, directly or indirectly shaping electoral outcomes. Many major elections are influenced by specific caste groups. After the Bihar government released the first phase of its caste-based socio-economic survey, the caste census became a hot topic. The results, backed by evidence, showed improvements in the living standards and social status of marginalised communities, both in cities and villages. With parties like the JDU and NCP backing a caste census, there is growing momentum for the government to conduct one. However, every story has two sides—joy and sorrow. Even Mahatma Gandhi, the Father of the Nation, raised concerns about the caste census.

Rahul Gandhi accused the BJP of being “anti-Bahujan.” The clear meaning is that his father and forefather refused to execute a caste-based census, which might have far-reaching effects and even permanently fracture India’s social fabric. This may be negative for caste-based beneficiaries. The last caste census in India was conducted in 1931 by the British government. Those times were different from the present scenario. The data was made public and became the basis for the Mandal Commission Reports and reservation policies for Other Backward Classes. Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) has clarified that the caste-based population count data will not be used for core politics. But the agenda for politics is always twisted and expanded.

The Central Government also joined the legal debate by filing an affidavit with the Supreme Court, leaving the matter unresolved. India’s partition, rooted in the divide-and-rule strategy, is frequently cited as a cautionary tale. Including caste in official census data could further deepen social divides. This issue has become a political pressure point, with various states pushing the Centre for action. Although the Constitution uses the term “class” instead of “caste,” the Supreme Court has consistently ruled that caste is a relevant, and at times, sole or dominant criterion for defining a backward class.

After the release of caste-based census data in Bihar, discussions around conducting similar censuses have gained momentum in states like Rajasthan, Chhattisgarh, and Jharkhand. Karnataka, which has already conducted its own caste census, may release its data soon as well.

Notably, all these states are governed by anti-BJP parties. Congress leader Rahul Gandhi also announced that Congress-ruled states have committed to carrying out caste censuses. Meanwhile, the BJP has remained silent on the matter, creating a significant roadblock.

Caste-based censuses focus on proportional representation in areas like jobs and education, with the argument that this will aid in targeted planning for the disadvantaged. However, the situation remains unclear, much like a foggy winter morning. The BJP’s stance on caste-based censuses and reservations seems different, as they fear the caste-based calculations could fragment their traditional Hindu voter base—an underlying concern for the party.

Professor Sanjay Kumar from The Centre for the Study of Developing Societies, says, “Let alone the BJP; no party can openly oppose it; it is not free from danger. BJP gets a large number of votes from the OBC community, their population across the country would be around 52%. Another downside is that the caste-based censuses could disrupt the balance of socio-economic zones. Data theft is a common issue in government systems, and people may feel disconnected from their actual rights.

The moot question is that if the financial status of an ST/SC/OBC or Dalit citizen moves up by a few notches, will his social status change automatically? The lifestyle of any class will only change when the income of a particular class is changed. The actual source of income is employment. The reality is that only metro cities have enough place and space for workers. Aside from the GIDC and IT sectors, less than 30% of industries have their own designated vacancy periods. After a decade, the Jamnagar and Rajkot Corporations have opened their doors to newcomers alongside experienced staff. However, age and caste bias often operate behind the scenes. It’s important to recognise that poverty is also widespread among many upper-caste individuals, and their needs cannot be overlooked. In the overall interests of the nation, terms like SC/ST/OBC, Dalits, etc. must be deleted from the nation’s vocabulary. Every citizen should have only one classification, that of being an ‘Indian’, in the spirit of the constitution.

Last year, when the Bihar government decided to conduct a caste survey in the state, the BJP was also Nitish Kumar’s partner in the state government, and it supported it. Political expert and former professor of Tata Institute of Social Science, Pushpendra Kumar, says, “It is not that the BJP does not talk about caste. It tries to reveal the caste of the Prime Minister as well. For caste politics, the BJP also tried hard to raise the issue of Pasmanda Muslims.”

(The writer is a management professional based in Ahmedabad. Views personal.)

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