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Correspondent

21 August 2024 at 10:20:16 am

Fuel Shock

The latest increase in petrol and diesel prices — the fourth hike in just 11 days — underlines how vulnerable India remains to geopolitical turmoil and its own unfinished reforms in the energy sector. Brent crude surged again after fresh American military strikes in southern Iran deepened fears of the renewal of the Iran conflict on a higher scale. Markets are now gripped by uncertainty as hopes of a negotiated settlement continue to fade. For a country like India, which imports more than 80...

Fuel Shock

The latest increase in petrol and diesel prices — the fourth hike in just 11 days — underlines how vulnerable India remains to geopolitical turmoil and its own unfinished reforms in the energy sector. Brent crude surged again after fresh American military strikes in southern Iran deepened fears of the renewal of the Iran conflict on a higher scale. Markets are now gripped by uncertainty as hopes of a negotiated settlement continue to fade. For a country like India, which imports more than 80 percent of its crude oil requirements, every geopolitical tremor in the Gulf quickly translates into pain at the fuel pump. Since May 15, petrol and diesel prices have risen cumulatively by nearly Rs. 7.5 per litre. In Hyderabad and Thiruvananthapuram, petrol has crossed Rs. 115 a litre. Mumbai, Kolkata, Bengaluru and Chennai are all witnessing sharp increases. Even Delhi, traditionally cushioned by relatively lower taxes, has seen petrol move beyond Rs. 102 per litre. This marks a significant shift after nearly four years of relative stability in retail fuel prices. For long periods, state-run oil marketing companies absorbed the burden of elevated crude prices, shrinking refining margins and a weakening rupee. Political considerations, particularly around elections, often delayed price revisions. The Rs. 2 per litre reduction announced ahead of the 2024 national elections was a reminder that fuel pricing in India has never been entirely divorced from politics. But oil companies cannot indefinitely absorb mounting losses, especially when global crude prices remain elevated. The Centre has already cut excise duties, with Finance Minister Nirmala Sitharaman estimating the revenue sacrifice at nearly Rs. 1 lakh crore. That fiscal cushion has now largely been exhausted. The spotlight is therefore shifting towards states. VAT on fuel remains one of the most lucrative revenue streams for state governments, with some states imposing levies exceeding 30 percent through taxes and cess components. This explains why states such as Telangana, Kerala and West Bengal continue to record some of the highest retail fuel prices in the country. The Centre is now subtly nudging states to reduce VAT rates to soften the blow on consumers. Yet states are reluctant. Their dependence on fuel taxes is structural, not incidental. Apart from excise on liquor, few revenue sources offer such steady and politically manageable returns. Bringing petrol and diesel under the GST framework continues to face bipartisan resistance from states fearful of losing fiscal autonomy. Rising fuel prices do not remain confined to petrol stations. They seep into every layer of the economy as transportation costs rise, food inflation accelerates and household budgets shrink. Small businesses, already coping with weak consumption and high borrowing costs, are facing renewed pressure. India’s recurring vulnerability to crude oil shocks exposes the limits of its energy security architecture. Expansion of strategic petroleum reserves and greater investment in renewable energy can no longer remain aspirational talking points. They must become urgent national priorities.

Caste-based Census Sparks Nationwide Debate

Updated: Oct 22, 2024

Caste-based Census

Caste-based identities continue to dominate rural India, directly or indirectly shaping electoral outcomes. Many major elections are influenced by specific caste groups. After the Bihar government released the first phase of its caste-based socio-economic survey, the caste census became a hot topic. The results, backed by evidence, showed improvements in the living standards and social status of marginalised communities, both in cities and villages. With parties like the JDU and NCP backing a caste census, there is growing momentum for the government to conduct one. However, every story has two sides—joy and sorrow. Even Mahatma Gandhi, the Father of the Nation, raised concerns about the caste census.

Rahul Gandhi accused the BJP of being “anti-Bahujan.” The clear meaning is that his father and forefather refused to execute a caste-based census, which might have far-reaching effects and even permanently fracture India’s social fabric. This may be negative for caste-based beneficiaries. The last caste census in India was conducted in 1931 by the British government. Those times were different from the present scenario. The data was made public and became the basis for the Mandal Commission Reports and reservation policies for Other Backward Classes. Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) has clarified that the caste-based population count data will not be used for core politics. But the agenda for politics is always twisted and expanded.

The Central Government also joined the legal debate by filing an affidavit with the Supreme Court, leaving the matter unresolved. India’s partition, rooted in the divide-and-rule strategy, is frequently cited as a cautionary tale. Including caste in official census data could further deepen social divides. This issue has become a political pressure point, with various states pushing the Centre for action. Although the Constitution uses the term “class” instead of “caste,” the Supreme Court has consistently ruled that caste is a relevant, and at times, sole or dominant criterion for defining a backward class.

After the release of caste-based census data in Bihar, discussions around conducting similar censuses have gained momentum in states like Rajasthan, Chhattisgarh, and Jharkhand. Karnataka, which has already conducted its own caste census, may release its data soon as well.

Notably, all these states are governed by anti-BJP parties. Congress leader Rahul Gandhi also announced that Congress-ruled states have committed to carrying out caste censuses. Meanwhile, the BJP has remained silent on the matter, creating a significant roadblock.

Caste-based censuses focus on proportional representation in areas like jobs and education, with the argument that this will aid in targeted planning for the disadvantaged. However, the situation remains unclear, much like a foggy winter morning. The BJP’s stance on caste-based censuses and reservations seems different, as they fear the caste-based calculations could fragment their traditional Hindu voter base—an underlying concern for the party.

Professor Sanjay Kumar from The Centre for the Study of Developing Societies, says, “Let alone the BJP; no party can openly oppose it; it is not free from danger. BJP gets a large number of votes from the OBC community, their population across the country would be around 52%. Another downside is that the caste-based censuses could disrupt the balance of socio-economic zones. Data theft is a common issue in government systems, and people may feel disconnected from their actual rights.

The moot question is that if the financial status of an ST/SC/OBC or Dalit citizen moves up by a few notches, will his social status change automatically? The lifestyle of any class will only change when the income of a particular class is changed. The actual source of income is employment. The reality is that only metro cities have enough place and space for workers. Aside from the GIDC and IT sectors, less than 30% of industries have their own designated vacancy periods. After a decade, the Jamnagar and Rajkot Corporations have opened their doors to newcomers alongside experienced staff. However, age and caste bias often operate behind the scenes. It’s important to recognise that poverty is also widespread among many upper-caste individuals, and their needs cannot be overlooked. In the overall interests of the nation, terms like SC/ST/OBC, Dalits, etc. must be deleted from the nation’s vocabulary. Every citizen should have only one classification, that of being an ‘Indian’, in the spirit of the constitution.

Last year, when the Bihar government decided to conduct a caste survey in the state, the BJP was also Nitish Kumar’s partner in the state government, and it supported it. Political expert and former professor of Tata Institute of Social Science, Pushpendra Kumar, says, “It is not that the BJP does not talk about caste. It tries to reveal the caste of the Prime Minister as well. For caste politics, the BJP also tried hard to raise the issue of Pasmanda Muslims.”

(The writer is a management professional based in Ahmedabad. Views personal.)

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