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By:

C.S. Krishnamurthy

21 June 2025 at 7:45:51 pm

Let Your SIP Fight Your EMI

When Ramesh bought his first home, he was delighted. The keys were finally in his hand, but another number immediately occupied his mind: the monthly EMI. “Now that I have some money left after paying my EMI, what should I do with it?” he asked his financial adviser. “Or should I start investing? And if I invest, won’t I be carrying a loan unnecessarily?” A home loan can run for 15, 20 or even 25 years, while the desire to become debt-free keeps growing. But does a borrower necessarily have...

Let Your SIP Fight Your EMI

When Ramesh bought his first home, he was delighted. The keys were finally in his hand, but another number immediately occupied his mind: the monthly EMI. “Now that I have some money left after paying my EMI, what should I do with it?” he asked his financial adviser. “Or should I start investing? And if I invest, won’t I be carrying a loan unnecessarily?” A home loan can run for 15, 20 or even 25 years, while the desire to become debt-free keeps growing. But does a borrower necessarily have to choose between repaying the loan faster and investing for the future? What if both could be pursued simultaneously? Could a Systematic Investment Plan (SIP) create a corpus that eventually helps reduce or even close the home loan? The idea merits consideration. A SIP is not a magic formula for becoming debt-free, but it can create a second financial track alongside the regular EMI. Two tracks, one objective Consider an illustration. Suppose a borrower takes a home loan of ₹50 lakh at an assumed interest rate of 8.5 pc for 20 years. The EMI would be around ₹43,400.
Instead of putting every available rupee into the loan, the borrower could consider investing ₹10,000 a month through a SIP, provided the household cash flow permits it. At an assumed annualised return of 12 pc, a ₹10,000 monthly SIP could grow to roughly ₹8.24 lakh in five years, ₹23.23 lakh in 10 years, ₹32.22 lakh in 12 years and ₹50.45 lakh in 15 years. While these are not guaranteed returns, the possibility of higher returns is also not ruled out. Meanwhile, the outstanding home loan would gradually decline through EMIs. Over eight to 10 years, the SIP corpus could become substantial enough to give the borrower an additional financial option. The important point is not to decide today exactly when the loan will be closed, but to review the position when the time comes. Why not simply prepay? Prepaying the home loan provides a relatively certain benefit because every rupee of principal repaid reduces future interest outgo, subject to the loan terms and applicable rules. The SIP serves a different purpose. It creates a financial asset and, over the long term, gives the investor an opportunity to participate in the growth potential of financial markets. The decision point comes later The strategy need not have a fixed finish line. After eight to 10 years, the borrower can review the situation rather than mechanically redeeming the SIP. What is the outstanding loan, the investment value and its performance? What are the prevailing market conditions? Is part-prepayment more appropriate than full repayment? These questions can guide the decision. If the corpus has grown sufficiently and circumstances are favourable, the borrower may consider using part of it to reduce the outstanding loan or, if appropriate, redeeming enough to close the loan completely. If the investment is better retained for the long term, there is no compulsion to exit merely because 10 years have passed. The strength of the strategy lies in this flexibility. Think beyond the loan A long-term SIP is not merely a future home-loan repayment fund. It can become a wealth-creation vehicle in its own right. Compounding rewards patience. A disciplined monthly investment held for the long term can help build a corpus for retirement, children’s education, other life goals or financial independence. Thus, while the home loan moves towards closure through the EMI, the investment has the opportunity to grow alongside it. Once the loan is eventually closed, the EMI disappears. Instead of allowing that money to quietly disappear into lifestyle expenses, the borrower can redirect some or all of the former EMI towards investments. A sensible balance This approach is not a universal prescription. Some borrowers may prefer aggressive loan prepayment, while others may find the combination of EMI and SIP more suitable. The SIP amount should also be comfortable. If ₹10,000 strains the monthly budget, start with less. The strategy should strengthen financial security, not create financial pressure. Adequate emergency savings and appropriate insurance should also form part of the overall financial plan. The larger lesson is simple: a home loan need not automatically put wealth creation on hold. With disciplined cash-flow management, a long-term investment approach and periodic reviews, the EMI can continue paying for today’s home while the SIP works towards tomorrow’s financial freedom. In the end, the question need not be, “Loan or investment?” It can be: “How can I use both wisely?” Disclaimer: “Mutual funds are subject to market risks. Read all scheme-related documents carefully.” (The writer is a retired banker and author. Views personal.)

Caste-based Census Sparks Nationwide Debate

Oct 2, 2024
3 min read

Updated: Oct 22, 2024

Caste-based Census

Caste-based identities continue to dominate rural India, directly or indirectly shaping electoral outcomes. Many major elections are influenced by specific caste groups. After the Bihar government released the first phase of its caste-based socio-economic survey, the caste census became a hot topic. The results, backed by evidence, showed improvements in the living standards and social status of marginalised communities, both in cities and villages. With parties like the JDU and NCP backing a caste census, there is growing momentum for the government to conduct one. However, every story has two sides—joy and sorrow. Even Mahatma Gandhi, the Father of the Nation, raised concerns about the caste census.

Rahul Gandhi accused the BJP of being “anti-Bahujan.” The clear meaning is that his father and forefather refused to execute a caste-based census, which might have far-reaching effects and even permanently fracture India’s social fabric. This may be negative for caste-based beneficiaries. The last caste census in India was conducted in 1931 by the British government. Those times were different from the present scenario. The data was made public and became the basis for the Mandal Commission Reports and reservation policies for Other Backward Classes. Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) has clarified that the caste-based population count data will not be used for core politics. But the agenda for politics is always twisted and expanded.

The Central Government also joined the legal debate by filing an affidavit with the Supreme Court, leaving the matter unresolved. India’s partition, rooted in the divide-and-rule strategy, is frequently cited as a cautionary tale. Including caste in official census data could further deepen social divides. This issue has become a political pressure point, with various states pushing the Centre for action. Although the Constitution uses the term “class” instead of “caste,” the Supreme Court has consistently ruled that caste is a relevant, and at times, sole or dominant criterion for defining a backward class.

After the release of caste-based census data in Bihar, discussions around conducting similar censuses have gained momentum in states like Rajasthan, Chhattisgarh, and Jharkhand. Karnataka, which has already conducted its own caste census, may release its data soon as well.

Notably, all these states are governed by anti-BJP parties. Congress leader Rahul Gandhi also announced that Congress-ruled states have committed to carrying out caste censuses. Meanwhile, the BJP has remained silent on the matter, creating a significant roadblock.

Caste-based censuses focus on proportional representation in areas like jobs and education, with the argument that this will aid in targeted planning for the disadvantaged. However, the situation remains unclear, much like a foggy winter morning. The BJP’s stance on caste-based censuses and reservations seems different, as they fear the caste-based calculations could fragment their traditional Hindu voter base—an underlying concern for the party.

Professor Sanjay Kumar from The Centre for the Study of Developing Societies, says, “Let alone the BJP; no party can openly oppose it; it is not free from danger. BJP gets a large number of votes from the OBC community, their population across the country would be around 52%. Another downside is that the caste-based censuses could disrupt the balance of socio-economic zones. Data theft is a common issue in government systems, and people may feel disconnected from their actual rights.

The moot question is that if the financial status of an ST/SC/OBC or Dalit citizen moves up by a few notches, will his social status change automatically? The lifestyle of any class will only change when the income of a particular class is changed. The actual source of income is employment. The reality is that only metro cities have enough place and space for workers. Aside from the GIDC and IT sectors, less than 30% of industries have their own designated vacancy periods. After a decade, the Jamnagar and Rajkot Corporations have opened their doors to newcomers alongside experienced staff. However, age and caste bias often operate behind the scenes. It’s important to recognise that poverty is also widespread among many upper-caste individuals, and their needs cannot be overlooked. In the overall interests of the nation, terms like SC/ST/OBC, Dalits, etc. must be deleted from the nation’s vocabulary. Every citizen should have only one classification, that of being an ‘Indian’, in the spirit of the constitution.

Last year, when the Bihar government decided to conduct a caste survey in the state, the BJP was also Nitish Kumar’s partner in the state government, and it supported it. Political expert and former professor of Tata Institute of Social Science, Pushpendra Kumar, says, “It is not that the BJP does not talk about caste. It tries to reveal the caste of the Prime Minister as well. For caste politics, the BJP also tried hard to raise the issue of Pasmanda Muslims.”

(The writer is a management professional based in Ahmedabad. Views personal.)

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