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By:

Dr. V.L. Dharurkar

12 February 2025 at 2:53:17 pm

A Quiet Warning to China

The Quad is evolving from a strategic conversation into a practical partnership aimed at preserving a free, open and secure Indo-Pacific without becoming a formal military alliance. The Indo-Pacific has become the centre of gravity of global geopolitics. Its vast maritime routes carry a significant share of world trade, its waters connect major economies, and its stability determines whether Asia can continue its remarkable economic rise. In this contested space, the Quad - the grouping of...

A Quiet Warning to China

The Quad is evolving from a strategic conversation into a practical partnership aimed at preserving a free, open and secure Indo-Pacific without becoming a formal military alliance. The Indo-Pacific has become the centre of gravity of global geopolitics. Its vast maritime routes carry a significant share of world trade, its waters connect major economies, and its stability determines whether Asia can continue its remarkable economic rise. In this contested space, the Quad - the grouping of India, the United States, Japan and Australia - has emerged as one of the most consequential strategic partnerships of the 21st century. Firm Signal The recent Quad foreign ministers’ meeting in Manila carried an unmistakably firm message: attempts to alter the regional status quo through coercion will not be accepted. Although the gathering was not a formal summit, its timing and location gave it particular significance, especially amid growing tensions between China and the Philippines in the South China Sea. The Quad’s central argument is straightforward. A peaceful and prosperous Indo-Pacific requires rules, restraint and respect for international law. Without stability in this region, the wider global economy faces uncertainty. The grouping’s evolution is itself a reflection of changing Asian realities. The Quad began as a response to a humanitarian crisis rather than a geopolitical confrontation. After the devastating Indian Ocean tsunami of 2004, India, Japan, the United States and Australia coordinated relief operations, demonstrating the potential of collective action among democracies. Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe later became one of the earliest advocates of a broader strategic framework linking the maritime democracies of Asia. The initial momentum, however, did not last. In 2008, Australia withdrew from the arrangement, partly due to concerns over its relationship with China. But the strategic environment changed dramatically over the next decade. Beijing’s increasingly assertive behaviour in the South China Sea, military expansion and growing influence across the Indo-Pacific convinced Australia to return to the grouping in 2017. Since then, the Quad has matured considerably. What began as an informal dialogue has developed into a leaders-level partnership focused on maritime security, critical technologies, resilient supply chains, disaster response, climate cooperation and health security. It remains deliberately different from a traditional military alliance such as NATO. Its strength lies in flexibility and cooperation rather than treaty obligations. Changing Role The Manila meeting highlighted this changing role. The foreign ministers of India, the United States, Japan and Australia reiterated their commitment to a free, open and inclusive Indo-Pacific. The discussions came against the backdrop of repeated confrontations between Chinese vessels and the Philippine Navy, particularly around the Second Thomas Shoal, a disputed area in the South China Sea. The Quad’s response was significant because it challenged a pattern that many smaller countries in the region fear: the use of economic and military pressure to impose unilateral changes. The message from Manila was that disagreements must be resolved peacefully and that no country should be allowed to change facts on the ground through intimidation. Yet the Quad’s purpose is not simply to contain China. A mature Indo-Pacific strategy must recognise that China is both a competitor and a major economic partner for many countries. The challenge for the Quad is to balance deterrence with engagement, ensuring that strategic competition does not become permanent confrontation. The partnership’s broader agenda reflects this reality. Maritime security is only one pillar. The four countries are also cooperating on emerging technologies, cybersecurity, infrastructure, humanitarian assistance and disaster relief. These areas address the everyday challenges faced by nations across the region, from natural disasters to supply chain disruptions. The Quad’s greatest contribution may lie in providing an alternative model of regional cooperation based on transparency, sovereignty and shared interests. Many Indo-Pacific countries do not want to choose between major powers. They seek an environment where they can pursue economic growth without political coercion. The Manila message, therefore, was both a warning and an invitation. It warned against aggression and unilateralism, while inviting regional countries to participate in a cooperative framework for stability and development. The Indo-Pacific’s future will not be determined only by military strength. It will depend on whether nations can build institutions capable of managing rivalry and encouraging cooperation. The Quad, once a tentative experiment, is now an important part of that institutional architecture. Its success will depend on whether it can remain united, practical and inclusive. A free and stable Indo-Pacific is not merely the strategic objective of four countries; it is a shared interest of the entire region. (The writer is a foreign affairs expert. Views personal.)

Clever seat selection helped BJP to secure historic win

The party won 65 seats against Congress, 37 against NCP (SP) and 29 against Shiv Sena (UBT)

Clever seat selection

Mumbai: The BJP’s strategic seat sharing with the allies has proved beneficial for the party. An analysis of the Assembly election results show that the BJP has scored over its main rival, the Congress, in a big way because of the direct fights.


The analysis shows that BJP defeated all three constituents of the Maharashtra Vikas Aghadi (MVA) – Congress, Shiv Sena (UBT) and NCP (SP) – in the direct fights. This is attributed as one of the reasons for the BJP’s historic poll success.


The BJP contested 147 out of 288 seats. In 76 constituencies, it faced Congress. BJP secured victory in 65 seats and lost only 11 seats, making it a whopping 86 per cent of the total direct fights. This was followed by an even stronger performance against NCP (SP). Of the total 39 fights with Sharad Pawar’s party, BJP captured 37 seats making it 95 per cent of the total fights with NCP (SP). BJP and Shiv Sena (UBT) were head-to-head in 32 constituencies, of which BJP emerged victorious in 29 seats, making this 91 per cent of the total direct contests.


According to a BJP strategist the party had bargained hard with its allies, Shiv Sena and NCP to get the desired constituencies in the seat sharing formula. “We had studied to potential candidates of the MVA. That helped us in choosing the seats where we can register comfortable victories,” the strategist said.


BJP spokesperson Niranjan Shetty attributed the success to all the party workers who worked hard to boost development, infrastructure in the state. He gave credit to Deputy Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis for his contribution to the party’s success.


Shetty pointed out that in 2019, Uddhav Thackeray had stalled all the “novel” and “legendary” projects that Fadnavis had started when he had taken over as CM, making it very easy for the people of Maharashtra to strike a comparison between both the leaders and the potential they had for serving the people. “Devendra Fadnavis gave up his post very easily for the larger good. There are many such examples like Venkaiah Naidu who was BJP National President and later worked as the Vice President of India because that was the need of the hour. We seldom care about our posts,” Shetty told The Perfect Voice.


Congress spokesperson Atul Londhe refused to call the election results as the people’s mandate. “This is not at all a Janata mandate. Despite Maharashtra struggling with so many basic social issues, how can BJP acquire such a huge mandate is the question. If a student copies and fails with just passing marks, it can go unnoticed, but if a student copies and bags the number one position, something is fishy. Why is the BJP scared of ballot papers?” he said.

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