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Correspondent

21 August 2024 at 10:20:16 am

Hostile Havens

The murder of 24-year-old Kirandeep Kaur in west London is, first and foremost, a personal tragedy. A young Sikh woman from Punjab, who had moved to Britain in search of opportunity, was killed only weeks after giving birth. But her death has unfolded against a darker backdrop. Britain is witnessing an unsettling rise in anti-Sikh hostility, fuelled by the toxic convergence of identity politics, social media outrage and far-right mobilisation. A survey by the Sikh Network found that 40...

Hostile Havens

The murder of 24-year-old Kirandeep Kaur in west London is, first and foremost, a personal tragedy. A young Sikh woman from Punjab, who had moved to Britain in search of opportunity, was killed only weeks after giving birth. But her death has unfolded against a darker backdrop. Britain is witnessing an unsettling rise in anti-Sikh hostility, fuelled by the toxic convergence of identity politics, social media outrage and far-right mobilisation. A survey by the Sikh Network found that 40 percent of Sikhs questioned had either experienced or witnessed anti-Sikh incidents since mid-May, while nearly 90 percent believed hostility towards the community had increased. Britain has long prided itself on being a successful multicultural society. That confidence now looks increasingly fragile. The immediate trigger was the murder of 18-year-old Henry Nowak, allegedly by a Sikh man. Sikh organisations did precisely what responsible community bodies should do. They condemned the killing unequivocally and rejected any attempt to justify the crime. Yet reason was soon overtaken by rage. Far-right agitators seized upon the case, organising demonstrations outside police stations, marching through mixed neighbourhoods, and directing hostility towards Sikh families who had nothing to do with the crime. Nazi salutes and cries of “white power” were ugly reminders that the target had shifted from an individual suspect to an entire community. For Sikhs in Britain, this should prompt an uncomfortable reckoning. For decades, sections of the diaspora have believed that Western democracies offered not merely refuge but also political patronage for causes that found little acceptance in India. Britain and Canada became fertile ground for pro-Khalistan activism, often justified under the broad protections of free speech. Governments tolerated it, sometimes because it suited domestic electoral calculations, sometimes because it cost little politically. Kirandeep Kaur’s murder and the wave of far-right mobilisation is a reminder that Western democracies are guided not by sentiment but by political convenience. When their public moods turn, minorities invariably pay the price. Diaspora communities, however prosperous, remain minorities whose security ultimately depends on the health of the societies in which they live. British authorities must pursue hate crimes with the same vigour they apply to every other form of extremism. Equal citizenship demands nothing less. Yet the Sikh diaspora, too, would do well to reassess its political priorities. Romanticising separatist politics from thousands of kilometres away has brought little benefit to Sikhs either in India or abroad. It has instead provided easy ammunition to extremists of every persuasion instead. Britain and Canada may be liberal democracies in name, but they are not custodians of Sikh interests. Their governments will always act according to their own domestic calculations. Diaspora communities like the Sikhs risk discovering, in moments of crisis, that they have confused convenience with conviction. That is a costly illusion.

Clever seat selection helped BJP to secure historic win

The party won 65 seats against Congress, 37 against NCP (SP) and 29 against Shiv Sena (UBT)

Clever seat selection

Mumbai: The BJP’s strategic seat sharing with the allies has proved beneficial for the party. An analysis of the Assembly election results show that the BJP has scored over its main rival, the Congress, in a big way because of the direct fights.


The analysis shows that BJP defeated all three constituents of the Maharashtra Vikas Aghadi (MVA) – Congress, Shiv Sena (UBT) and NCP (SP) – in the direct fights. This is attributed as one of the reasons for the BJP’s historic poll success.


The BJP contested 147 out of 288 seats. In 76 constituencies, it faced Congress. BJP secured victory in 65 seats and lost only 11 seats, making it a whopping 86 per cent of the total direct fights. This was followed by an even stronger performance against NCP (SP). Of the total 39 fights with Sharad Pawar’s party, BJP captured 37 seats making it 95 per cent of the total fights with NCP (SP). BJP and Shiv Sena (UBT) were head-to-head in 32 constituencies, of which BJP emerged victorious in 29 seats, making this 91 per cent of the total direct contests.


According to a BJP strategist the party had bargained hard with its allies, Shiv Sena and NCP to get the desired constituencies in the seat sharing formula. “We had studied to potential candidates of the MVA. That helped us in choosing the seats where we can register comfortable victories,” the strategist said.


BJP spokesperson Niranjan Shetty attributed the success to all the party workers who worked hard to boost development, infrastructure in the state. He gave credit to Deputy Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis for his contribution to the party’s success.


Shetty pointed out that in 2019, Uddhav Thackeray had stalled all the “novel” and “legendary” projects that Fadnavis had started when he had taken over as CM, making it very easy for the people of Maharashtra to strike a comparison between both the leaders and the potential they had for serving the people. “Devendra Fadnavis gave up his post very easily for the larger good. There are many such examples like Venkaiah Naidu who was BJP National President and later worked as the Vice President of India because that was the need of the hour. We seldom care about our posts,” Shetty told The Perfect Voice.


Congress spokesperson Atul Londhe refused to call the election results as the people’s mandate. “This is not at all a Janata mandate. Despite Maharashtra struggling with so many basic social issues, how can BJP acquire such a huge mandate is the question. If a student copies and fails with just passing marks, it can go unnoticed, but if a student copies and bags the number one position, something is fishy. Why is the BJP scared of ballot papers?” he said.

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