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By:

Abhijit Joshi

31 August 2024 at 10:09:24 am

When the Cockroach Enters Politics

Regardless of whether or not the CJP wins an election, its rise signals a changing relationship between young Indians and political power. It would be tempting to dismiss the Cockroach Janta Party (CJP) as another internet curiosity destined to enjoy a brief moment of virality before disappearing into the digital ether. Politics, however, has a habit of taking jokes more seriously than their creators intended. Whether the CJP eventually becomes a political force, lends its energies to another...

When the Cockroach Enters Politics

Regardless of whether or not the CJP wins an election, its rise signals a changing relationship between young Indians and political power. It would be tempting to dismiss the Cockroach Janta Party (CJP) as another internet curiosity destined to enjoy a brief moment of virality before disappearing into the digital ether. Politics, however, has a habit of taking jokes more seriously than their creators intended. Whether the CJP eventually becomes a political force, lends its energies to another party, survives as a pressure group or simply fades away is impossible to know. But its emergence has already exposed something worth watching: a section of young Indians is becoming increasingly comfortable turning political frustration into organised digital dissent. Edgy Satire The CJP began in the language of satire, irreverence and internet culture. Its appeal lies partly in refusing the solemnity with which conventional Indian politics often presents itself. Parties arrive with flags, slogans, manifestos and carefully choreographed leaders. The CJP arrived with a joke. Yet behind the joke is a familiar political instinct: the desire to puncture institutions that appear too comfortable, too self-important or too remote from the citizen. India has seen this impulse before, though usually in different forms. Political movements have repeatedly emerged from dissatisfaction with established parties, bureaucratic opacity or the sense that the political class speaks at citizens rather than with them. What is different now is the medium. A generation raised on social media does not necessarily distinguish between political communication, entertainment and satire. A meme can make an argument; a viral video can become a campaign; a joke can acquire a constituency. This is precisely why established parties should resist the urge to laugh too quickly. India’s political parties are still largely organised around structures inherited from another age: hierarchical leadership, local cadres, rallies, posters and television appearances. Young voters, meanwhile, inhabit a political ecosystem in which authority is fragmented and attention is scarce. They are accustomed to questioning institutions in public, challenging narratives instantly and moving between causes with remarkable speed. They may not want another party in the traditional mould. They may want politics itself to behave differently. Interesting Experiment The CJP therefore represents an interesting experiment, regardless of whether it survives electorally. Its first challenge is credibility. Satire is a powerful weapon against hypocrisy, but governing requires rather more than exposing it. It is relatively easy to ridicule politicians, bureaucracy or public policy. It is harder to propose workable alternatives, build an organisation, select candidates, raise money transparently and maintain internal discipline. Every anti-establishment movement eventually encounters the awkward transition from saying what is wrong to explaining what should replace it. That is where many insurgent political projects falter. The second challenge is endurance. Digital movements can acquire astonishing momentum and lose it almost as quickly. The internet rewards novelty, provocation and emotional intensity. Politics demands patience. A movement that depends too heavily on its ability to generate attention can find itself trapped by the very ecosystem that created it. Yesterday’s viral cause is easily displaced by today’s scandal, controversy or meme. Yet dismissing such movements because they are ephemeral would also be a mistake. Political influence does not necessarily require winning elections. A pressure group can alter the vocabulary of public debate; an online movement can force established parties to address issues they would rather avoid; a small organisation can become disproportionately influential if larger parties begin borrowing its language. This is perhaps the most interesting possibility for the CJP. Its ultimate significance may not lie in the number of seats it wins, but in the questions it persuades others to answer. That is also why its rise should be viewed in the wider context of India’s changing political electorate. Young Indians are not uniformly anti-establishment, nor are they naturally aligned with any particular ideology. But many are less deferential towards political authority than previous generations. They have access to more information, more competing narratives and more opportunities to organise themselves outside traditional institutions. They can be cynical, impatient and contradictory. They can also be intensely political. Traditional parties often misunderstand this generation by treating it as an audience to be targeted rather than a constituency to be engaged. A slick social-media campaign is not the same thing as listening. Young voters may enjoy memes, but that does not mean their political concerns are frivolous. Employment, education, housing, urban infrastructure, corruption and the quality of public institutions remain stubbornly material concerns. The CJP’s real test, then, is whether it can convert irreverence into relevance. If it can, India’s political parties may have to contend with something they are not accustomed to: political competition that does not begin in a party office, a caste network or a traditional ideological organisation, but on a phone screen. If it cannot, the CJP will join the long list of internet phenomena that briefly captured attention before vanishing. Either outcome would tell us something. For now, the cockroach has achieved the one thing every political movement seeks before it can hope to achieve anything else: people are talking about it. Whether it becomes a party, a pressure group, a political ally or merely a footnote remains uncertain. But the question has changed. The political establishment no longer needs to ask, “Who are these young people?” It needs to ask a more uncomfortable question: "What are they going to ask next?" (The writer is a political observer. Views personal.)

Dangerous Departures

Updated: Oct 30, 2024

Dangerous Departures

In yet another shocking incident adding to Mumbai’s infamous tryst with stampedes, chaos erupted at Mumbai’s Bandra Terminus following a weekend stampede that left at least ten persons injured, two critically so. A crowd surged toward the Gorakhpur-bound train with nearly 1,500 people vying for seats in 22 unreserved compartments, leading to the stampede. Several others narrowly avoided tragedy, with some even pushed onto the tracks. This is not a unique episode but rather a recurring theme in Mumbai’s bedevilled crowd management, one that has haunted the city’s public spaces, particularly as festive seasons magnify the crowds.


Mumbai is no stranger to stampedes. A horrifying incident in 2017 at Elphinstone Road Station left 23 people dead and nearly 50 injured. The cause was a familiar one: an overwhelming crowd confined to a narrow footbridge during peak rush hour. The tragedy sparked an outcry, with promises from authorities to upgrade infrastructure and enhance safety protocols. Yet seven years on, crowd-related incidents continue to be a constant danger. Today’s incident reveals a similar lapse—a lack of foresight in managing the thousands who gather on platforms ahead of Diwali, eager to return to family. That the Gorakhpur Express was unreserved and heavily crowded was predictable.


The issue lies beyond simply crowd density; it is emblematic of deeper systemic negligence. The Brihanmumbai Municipal Corporation (BMC), responsible for local public safety, along with the Railways Ministry, bear responsibility for ensuring order at such high-risk hubs. Although the BMC acknowledged the “festive rush,” it appears little was done to pre-empt it. Swift action could have been taken to either disperse the crowd or reroute passengers. Instead, chaos prevailed.


Political reaction has been swift but uninspiring. Aaditya Thackeray, son of Uddhav Thackeray, launched a scathing attack on the Union Railways Minister, Ashwini Vaishnaw, branding the incident a result of the minister’s “incapable” leadership. This hardly addresses the immediate need: a substantive plan to manage crowds and prevent similar incidents.


Mumbai’s transport infrastructure remains sorely outdated. Platforms are undersized, signalling systems frequently falter, and crowd control mechanisms are grossly inadequate. Despite repeated accidents, there has been little investment in comprehensive crowd management systems or the deployment of personnel trained in emergency response. While railway footbridges were widened after the Elphinstone tragedy, Bandra’s incident demonstrates that such incremental changes are insufficient. Mumbai, which sees a swelling populace during festivals, demands a robust strategy to address its vulnerabilities. This should include technology-driven crowd monitoring, clear communication channels to inform passengers of platform conditions, and additional security and medical staff on high-demand days. It is essential that crowd management training for personnel becomes a priority rather than a reaction to tragedies.

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