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Writer's pictureKiran D. Tare

Idealism to Pragmatism: India’s Assertive Diplomatic Rebirth

Diplomatic Rebirth

In 1949, when India became one of the first non-Communist nations to recognize the People’s Republic of China, it marked the beginning of a policy trajectory defined by a heady idealism and a belief in non-alignment. Jawaharlal Nehru’s foreign policy, shaped by a deep conviction in moral diplomacy, was largely conducted in an insular manner, with decisions confined to a select few—Nehru himself, his confidant V.K. Krishna Menon, and a handful of close advisers. The result was often a rigid and centralized decision-making apparatus, ill-equipped to foresee the complexities of global realpolitik. Today, India’s diplomacy has transformed into a pragmatic and assertive machine, markedly different from its formative years.


The recent ‘resolution’ of a four-year military standoff with China, announced by Indian External Affairs Minister S. Jaishankar, underscores this new face of Indian diplomacy. The disengagement at the contentious border, negotiated after years of high-altitude tensions, reflects how Indian diplomacy has evolved from post-colonial idealism to strategic pragmatism. Nehru’s rush to recognize Communist China in 1949, spurred by a mix of Asian solidarity and anti-colonial zeal, stands in stark contrast to today’s careful calibration of Sino-Indian relations.


The roots of this transformation can be traced back to the 1962 Sino-Indian war. India’s humiliating defeat punctured Nehruvian idealism, exposing the perils of relying on personal diplomacy and moral posturing in a world driven by hard interests. A.S. Bhasin, in his meticulously documented book, ‘Nehru, China and Tibet’ (2021) has shown how Nehru’s policy toward China was irresponsible and marked by miscalculation—a product of both misplaced trust and an overestimation of India’s diplomatic leverage. The post-Nehru era witnessed a gradual but decisive shift toward pragmatism, a trend accelerated by successive governments’ recognition of the need for a multipolar world.


Indira Gandhi, although inheriting Nehru’s non-aligned legacy, departed from his methods. The 1971 Bangladesh Liberation War was a watershed moment for Indian diplomacy. Rather than relying on high-minded appeals to international morality, India under Indira forged a tactical alliance with the Soviet Union to counterbalance Pakistan’s US-backed military regime. Her administration demonstrated that Indian diplomacy could be both strategic and assertive, shaping events rather than being shaped by them. The nuclear tests of 1974, despite global outcry, further underscored India’s growing willingness to act in its perceived national interest, regardless of external pressures.


This pragmatism continued under Prime Ministers such as Atal Bihari Vajpayee, who in 1998 ordered a series of nuclear tests that declared India’s arrival as a nuclear power. India’s nuclear diplomacy, while defiant, was carefully managed to prevent isolation, with New Delhi swiftly engaging in talks with the United States to avoid sanctions.


The 21st century has seen an even greater shift in India’s foreign policy machinery. India’s diplomacy under the Modi government today is more institutionalized, involving a wide array of actors—from career diplomats to military strategists and economic policymakers. In S. Jaishankar, the Ministry of External Affairs (MEA) has transformed into a dynamic force capable of robust negotiations with great powers like the US and China but also with countries in the European Union, Canada and smaller nations in Africa, Latin America, and Southeast Asia. India’s approach to China has matured, moving from a reactive stance to one that seeks to manage competition through calibrated engagements, while securing India’s interests in multilateral forums such as BRICS and the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation.


Nowhere is India’s assertiveness more visible than in its stance on the Indo-Pacific. Unlike Nehru’s aloofness to the idea of military alliances, today’s India is an enthusiastic participant in the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue (Quad), alongside the US, Japan, and Australia. This marks a radical departure from the cautious diplomacy of the Cold War era. This assertiveness has become a cornerstone of India’s foreign policy, positioning it as a key player in regional security.


The 2020 Galwan clash—where 20 Indian soldiers lost their lives in brutal hand-to-hand combat—was a stark reminder of the unresolved tensions that linger along the Sino-Indian border. But India responded by strengthening military ties with the United States and deepening strategic relations with Australia, Japan, and Vietnam. As seen in the ongoing border talks with China, Indian diplomacy now balances confrontation with engagement, no longer constrained by the Nehruvian dogma of ‘Hindi-Chini bhai-bhai.’


Today, the ‘Jaishankar doctrine’ emphasizes transactional diplomacy — India’s ties with the US are driven by technological and defense cooperation, while its relationship with Russia is framed by energy security and geopolitical convenience. New Delhi’s stance in recent negotiations at the World Trade Organization, as well as its firm position in rejecting the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP), demonstrate a willingness to protect its interests even at the risk of alienating powerful trading partners like China.


Indian diplomacy has evolved from the inward-looking, idealistic policies of Nehru’s era to a more outward-facing, pragmatic, and assertive approach. This transformation is emblematic of a country that has grown confident in its global role, no longer bound by the insecurities of its early post-colonial years.

1 Comment


M D Malve
M D Malve
Nov 07

This shift wasn't sudden. It gradually developed to find its resolute and assertive expression in S.J. Quite insightful retrospect on changing tenor of India's foreign policy.

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