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Correspondent

23 August 2024 at 4:29:04 pm

Federal Farce

India’s federal compact was never meant to resemble street theatre. Yet that is precisely what unfolded in Tamil Nadu and Kerala, where opening sessions of the Assemblies degenerated into petty skirmishes between Raj Bhavans and elected governments. Governors deserve scrutiny for overreach. But what played out on January 20 says as much about the studied belligerence of two state governments that have turned constitutional convention into a contact sport. Start with Tamil Nadu. Governor R.N....

Federal Farce

India’s federal compact was never meant to resemble street theatre. Yet that is precisely what unfolded in Tamil Nadu and Kerala, where opening sessions of the Assemblies degenerated into petty skirmishes between Raj Bhavans and elected governments. Governors deserve scrutiny for overreach. But what played out on January 20 says as much about the studied belligerence of two state governments that have turned constitutional convention into a contact sport. Start with Tamil Nadu. Governor R.N. Ravi’s decision to walk out of the Assembly without delivering his address was dramatic, ill-judged and constitutionally questionable. But the stage for that walkout was carefully set by the ruling DMK. The Speaker’s insistence that the Governor read only what the Cabinet had approved, delivered with the pugnacious aside that “only MLAs can express opinion in the House,” reflected not reverence for convention but contempt for dialogue. Tamil Nadu’s government treated it as an opportunity to box the Governor into a corner and then feign outrage when he refused to play along. The subsequent statements from Raj Bhavan, disputing the state’s extravagant investment claims and invoking disrespect to the national anthem, only deepened the ugliness. But it is worth asking why such disputes routinely explode in Tamil Nadu. The answer lies less in New Delhi’s alleged conspiracies than in Chennai’s habit of governing by provocation. The DMK has discovered that permanent confrontation with the Governor serves its political narrative as it keeps the Centre in the dock. Kerala’s episode was no less revealing. Governor Rajendra Vishwanath Arlekar delivered his address and left, only for Chief Minister Pinarayi Vijayan to return to the House to announce solemnly that the Governor had tampered with Cabinet-approved paragraphs. The offending omissions concerned fiscal federalism and pending Bills, subjects dear to the Left Democratic Front’s sense of grievance. Vijayan’s declaration that the Cabinet’s version would prevail was less a constitutional clarification than a performative assertion of supremacy. Governors are not meant to rewrite policy. But nor are Assemblies meant to retroactively overrule a Governor’s address by executive fiat. Kerala’s government could have placed its objections on record or sought judicial clarity. Instead, it chose to dramatize the dispute, turning the Assembly into a forum for moral grandstanding. Together, these episodes expose a deeper malaise. State governments, particularly those ruled by parties opposed to the BJP, have begun to treat Governors not as constitutional functionaries to be constrained by process, but as political foils to be publicly humiliated. The irony is rich. Tamil Nadu and Kerala style themselves as guardians of constitutional morality, federalism and democratic norms. Yet, by weaponizing Assembly proceedings against Governors, they weaken the very conventions they claim to defend. None of this absolves Governors who stray into partisan commentary or obstructionism. India has no shortage of such examples. But federalism cannot be sustained if elected governments respond to irritation with institutional vandalism. Assemblies are not arenas for settling scores with Raj Bhavans.

Marathwada’s Soybean Squeeze

Updated: Oct 21, 2024

For the Shinde-led Mahayuti government, the soybean crisis in Marathwada should serve as a wake-up call as campaigning intensifies ahead of the crucial Assembly election.

In the drought-prone Marathwada region, soybean, a crucial kharif (monsoon) staple, has faced a serious blow this year as a deadly combination of erratic (and unusually heavy) rainfall and soil degradation has led to dwindling yields for farmers already steeped in debt. The crisis has not only deepened rural distress but also dented the political credibility of the Eknath Shinde-led Mahayuti government in the recently concluded 2024 Lok Sabha elections.

Farmers’ frustration, particularly over the low prices and inadequate support, was reflected in the electoral results. Discontent was not limited to soybean farmers but extended to those growing onions and other crops similarly affected by the erratic weather. The opposition parties capitalized on this anger, contributing to the ruling coalition’s losses in crucial constituencies.

Soybean cultivation is central to Marathwada’s agricultural economy with approximately 60% of the region’s cultivable land dedicated to it. However, this year, the area under cultivation fell sharply by 15%, while the yield per hectare has plummeted by nearly 20% compared to previous years.

Discontent among the rural electorate translated into a significant loss of votes for the Mahayuti coalition in the Lok Sabha election, which had counted on Marathwada as a stronghold. Many farmers switched their allegiance to opposition parties, particularly the Congress and the NCP, viewing the ruling government as ineffective in mitigating the crisis.

While promises of crop insurance and subsidies are being made, the delayed rollout of relief measures is aggravating the situation. Farmers are reporting delayed compensation under the Pradhan Mantri Fasal Bima Yojana (PMFBY), India’s crop insurance scheme, which failed to provide timely payouts. To compound the issue, local cooperatives responsible for distributing government aid are being accused of corruption and inefficiency, thereby eroding trust among farmers.

To stem the erosion of its rural voter base, the Shinde government must take decisive action. Strengthening the PMFBY is a critical first step. Insurance payouts need to be streamlined and simplified, ensuring that claims are processed within a few weeks rather than months. The scheme also needs to account for pest attacks and erratic rainfall more accurately, as these are increasingly frequent due to climate change. Enhancing the precision of satellite-based yield assessments would ensure that more farmers receive timely compensation.

Additionally, the government should consider targeted subsidies for soybean growers, particularly for pest-resistant seeds and organic pesticides. A concerted push towards water conservation, particularly through promoting drip irrigation, could help mitigate the impact of future droughts. The state’s ‘Jalyukt Shivar’ campaign, launched in 2015 to boost irrigation in drought-hit regions, could be revitalized, but with greater accountability to ensure funds are utilized effectively.

The state’s past experiments with price stabilization funds, such as the Maharashtra State Agricultural Marketing Board’s attempt to guarantee minimum prices for soybeans, also offer a lesson. While well-intentioned, these initiatives were hampered by poor implementation and market manipulation by intermediaries.

For the Mahayuti government, immediate corrective measures like providing pest-resistant seeds, and reinvigorating irrigation schemes are essential not only to revive the fortunes of the state’s farmers but also to secure the government’s rural support base. Without these, the agrarian distress that continues to plague Maharashtra risks becoming a persistent political liability, as history has repeatedly shown.

(The writer is a farmer and resident of Latur district; views personal)

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