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By:

Rajendra Pandharpure

15 April 2025 at 2:25:54 pm

BJP eyes chances in Western Maharashtra after the Pawars

The death of Ajit Pawar has unsettled western Maharashtra, leaving the BJP cautiously biding its time Pune: Western Maharashtra has long been Indian politics in miniature: dense with sugar cooperatives, caste arithmetic, money and muscle power. For decades it was shaped by one extended family – the Pawars - whose writ ran from district banks to dairy unions and from assembly halls to village panchayats. The sudden death of Ajit Pawar, the Nationalist Congress Party (NCP) strongman and...

BJP eyes chances in Western Maharashtra after the Pawars

The death of Ajit Pawar has unsettled western Maharashtra, leaving the BJP cautiously biding its time Pune: Western Maharashtra has long been Indian politics in miniature: dense with sugar cooperatives, caste arithmetic, money and muscle power. For decades it was shaped by one extended family – the Pawars - whose writ ran from district banks to dairy unions and from assembly halls to village panchayats. The sudden death of Ajit Pawar, the Nationalist Congress Party (NCP) strongman and Maharashtra’s deputy chief minister, has jolted this ecosystem. The aftershocks are being felt most keenly not by his rivals, but by his ally, the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) that has long coveted the region. Maharashtra’s politics has always been regionally segmented. The BJP is entrenched in north Maharashtra; it has broken through spectacularly in Mumbai, including wresting control of the municipal corporation; Vidarbha remains Congress-leaning while Marathwada is competitive and volatile. Family Bastion Western Maharashtra, by contrast, has remained been the Pawars’ citadel. Control over cooperatives, especially sugar, has translated into rural loyalty, financial muscle and electoral dominance. The NCP, founded by Sharad Pawar, thrived on this architecture. The BJP, despite its national rise, has struggled to crack it. Rather than dislodge the system, the BJP sought to co-opt it. Disaffected satraps were inducted like Udayanraje Bhosale in Satara; the Mahadiks in Kolhapur; the Mohite-Patils in Solapur. Local strongmen such as Rahul Kul in Pune district were elevated and veterans like Harshvardhan Patil were brought in, if only briefly. The idea was to gradually bleed the undivided NCP led by patriarch Sharad Pawar. That effort has intensified as the BJP eyes an audacious goal: returning to power in Maharashtra on its own in the 2029 Assembly election. For that to happen, western Maharashtra is indispensable. It is no accident that the Modi government had created a new Union ministry of cooperation, handing it to Amit Shah. Cooperatives are the region’s political bloodstream. After the 2024 general election, Muralidhar Mohol, elected from Pune, was made minister of state in the same department. He was also informally tasked with western Maharashtra in a clear signal of the BJP’s strategic focus. Mohol’s brief was daunting: contain both Pawars. Sharad Pawar’s stature as a national deal-maker and Ajit Pawar’s grip on local machinery made them a formidable duo even when divided. Yet, the recent municipal contests in Pune and Pimpri-Chinchwad hinted at change. When both Pawars campaigned together, the BJP still managed to defeat them, suggesting that the old formula no longer guaranteed victory. Uncertain Times Then came the plane crash on January 28 leading to Ajit Pawar’s tragic death. His wife, Sunetra Pawar, was sworn in as deputy chief minister, an act of continuity intended to steady the ranks. While public sympathy is palpable, it has nothing to do with organisation. Sunetra Pawar will need time to command the networks her husband once ran by instinct. Her early gestures like visiting Karad to pay homage to Yashwantrao Chavan and invoking the legacy of Phule, Shahu and Ambedkar signal an attempt to anchor the party in its progressive tradition. Whether that rhetoric can substitute for Ajit Pawar’s authority is uncertain. Uncertainty abounds elsewhere too. Rumours swirl of a rapprochement or even a merger between the rival NCP factions. One scenario has Supriya Sule entering the Union cabinet. Another asks a more existential question: could Sharad Pawar, architect of Maharashtra’s secular, centrist politics, ever align formally with the BJP’s Hindutva project? His reported unease with a recent India–America trade agreement has fuelled speculation among supporters already anxious about ideological drift. Against this haze, the BJP’s restraint is striking. Rather than rushing to exploit the moment, it has preferred to wait and watch. The party knows that western Maharashtra is not won in a season. Cooperative elections, local bodies and caste coalitions move slowly. For now, the BJP is content to let the Pawars recalibrate, to allow factions to test their strength, and to intervene only when the contours are clearer. In a region where politics has long been about inheritance, Ajit Pawar’s absence has exposed how fragile even the most entrenched systems can be. The BJP senses opportunity, but is also aware of the attendant risks. Its wait-and-watch posture reflects a calculation born of experience. And in western Maharashtra, patience can be a weapon.

Marathwada’s Soybean Squeeze

Updated: Oct 21, 2024

For the Shinde-led Mahayuti government, the soybean crisis in Marathwada should serve as a wake-up call as campaigning intensifies ahead of the crucial Assembly election.

In the drought-prone Marathwada region, soybean, a crucial kharif (monsoon) staple, has faced a serious blow this year as a deadly combination of erratic (and unusually heavy) rainfall and soil degradation has led to dwindling yields for farmers already steeped in debt. The crisis has not only deepened rural distress but also dented the political credibility of the Eknath Shinde-led Mahayuti government in the recently concluded 2024 Lok Sabha elections.

Farmers’ frustration, particularly over the low prices and inadequate support, was reflected in the electoral results. Discontent was not limited to soybean farmers but extended to those growing onions and other crops similarly affected by the erratic weather. The opposition parties capitalized on this anger, contributing to the ruling coalition’s losses in crucial constituencies.

Soybean cultivation is central to Marathwada’s agricultural economy with approximately 60% of the region’s cultivable land dedicated to it. However, this year, the area under cultivation fell sharply by 15%, while the yield per hectare has plummeted by nearly 20% compared to previous years.

Discontent among the rural electorate translated into a significant loss of votes for the Mahayuti coalition in the Lok Sabha election, which had counted on Marathwada as a stronghold. Many farmers switched their allegiance to opposition parties, particularly the Congress and the NCP, viewing the ruling government as ineffective in mitigating the crisis.

While promises of crop insurance and subsidies are being made, the delayed rollout of relief measures is aggravating the situation. Farmers are reporting delayed compensation under the Pradhan Mantri Fasal Bima Yojana (PMFBY), India’s crop insurance scheme, which failed to provide timely payouts. To compound the issue, local cooperatives responsible for distributing government aid are being accused of corruption and inefficiency, thereby eroding trust among farmers.

To stem the erosion of its rural voter base, the Shinde government must take decisive action. Strengthening the PMFBY is a critical first step. Insurance payouts need to be streamlined and simplified, ensuring that claims are processed within a few weeks rather than months. The scheme also needs to account for pest attacks and erratic rainfall more accurately, as these are increasingly frequent due to climate change. Enhancing the precision of satellite-based yield assessments would ensure that more farmers receive timely compensation.

Additionally, the government should consider targeted subsidies for soybean growers, particularly for pest-resistant seeds and organic pesticides. A concerted push towards water conservation, particularly through promoting drip irrigation, could help mitigate the impact of future droughts. The state’s ‘Jalyukt Shivar’ campaign, launched in 2015 to boost irrigation in drought-hit regions, could be revitalized, but with greater accountability to ensure funds are utilized effectively.

The state’s past experiments with price stabilization funds, such as the Maharashtra State Agricultural Marketing Board’s attempt to guarantee minimum prices for soybeans, also offer a lesson. While well-intentioned, these initiatives were hampered by poor implementation and market manipulation by intermediaries.

For the Mahayuti government, immediate corrective measures like providing pest-resistant seeds, and reinvigorating irrigation schemes are essential not only to revive the fortunes of the state’s farmers but also to secure the government’s rural support base. Without these, the agrarian distress that continues to plague Maharashtra risks becoming a persistent political liability, as history has repeatedly shown.

(The writer is a farmer and resident of Latur district; views personal)

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