Decades of defiance unravel as former separatists line up to pledge loyalty to India’s constitution.
For three decades, the Hurriyat Conference held the Valley in a stranglehold, dictating terms to both Srinagar and New Delhi. From enforcing shutdowns to legitimising Pakistan-backed militancy, it was the self-appointed custodian of Kashmiri separatism. Yet today, the once-feared conglomerate of separatist leaders is a relic of the past with its members dead, incarcerated or, as recent events show, scrambling to sever all ties with the cause. The Narendra Modi government, with Amit Shah as its enforcer, has done what previous administrations hesitated to do: dismantle the Hurriyat’s influence with a ruthless efficiency that has redrawn Kashmir’s political landscape.
The most striking indication of this shift came this week when Shahid Saleem, former Hurriyat Conference leader and chairman of the Jammu and Kashmir People’s Movement (JKPM), publicly renounced separatism. Declaring his allegiance to India’s Constitution, Saleem announced that both he and his organisation had “no connection or affiliation with either APHC(G) or APHC(A) or any of their constituents or any other entity pursuing separatist or similar such agenda.” His statement, which included a legal warning against those who might associate him with the Hurriyat, marked a dramatic break from his past. It was swiftly followed by a similar declaration from Advocate Mohammad Shafi Reshi, a former chairman of the Democratic Political Movement (DPM) and a member of Tehreek-e-Hurriyat. He, too, cited the Hurriyat’s failure to address the legitimate aspirations of Kashmiris and pledged loyalty to India’s Constitution.
As Shah noted in a triumphant post on X, the Modi government’s policies have “tossed separatism out of J&K.” The prescribed disassociation form now required from former Hurriyat members compels them to renounce separatist politics in writing and pledge that neither they nor their organisations have “any inclination or sympathy for the ideology of All Parties Hurriyat Conference (APHC).” The message is clear: separatism is no longer a viable political position in Kashmir. The government has ensured that those who once thrived on defiance must now make a choice and publicly reject their past affiliations or risk legal consequences.
The crackdown on the Hurriyat is part of a broader strategy to reshape Kashmir’s political and security environment. Alongside detaining separatist leaders, the Modi government has dismantled Jamaat-e-Islami, a powerful Islamist organisation linked to militant groups. It has aggressively pursued counterinsurgency operations, reducing terrorism-related incidents and neutralising key militant commanders. Economic measures, such as the promotion of tourism and infrastructure development, have further weakened the separatist cause. The government’s argument is that as the old paradigm of appeasement and dialogue has failed, a strong-handed approach is the only way to establish lasting stability.
This shift has yielded results. For the first time in decades, Kashmir is not under the shadow of separatist diktats. Shops no longer down their shutters at the Hurriyat’s command, and stone-pelting incidents have dramatically declined. Even Pakistan, long the patron of Kashmiri separatists, has toned down its rhetoric, preoccupied as it is with domestic crises and a fraying economy. The political vacuum left by the Hurriyat has also provided an opening for a new generation of leaders, albeit ones operating within the constitutional framework.
Yet, despite these successes, the BJP’s triumph is not without risks. The absence of an organised separatist movement does not necessarily mean the disappearance of separatist sentiment. Without a credible political alternative to absorb dissent, frustration could manifest in unpredictable ways, including the resurgence of underground militancy.
Nonetheless, Modi and Shah have accomplished what was once considered unthinkable by rendering the Hurriyat irrelevant. In doing so, they have rewritten the rules of engagement in Kashmir. The days when separatists dictated terms to the Indian state are over. The challenge now is to consolidate this victory, ensuring that Kashmir’s future is shaped by progress rather than repression. The battle for Kashmir’s soul is far from over, but for the first time in decades, it is New Delhi and not the Hurriyat that is calling the shots.
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